Debated in Parliament on 28 Feb 2022.
Mr Speaker, Sir, we are witnessing an unprovoked military invasion of a sovereign state as we speak. Ukraine is a large country with a multilingual and multi-religious population of approximately 44 million people. It has a long history, with complex relations with Russia and other states in the region.
Ukraine became independent in 1991, with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Shortly thereafter in 1994, Ukraine was persuaded to give up its nuclear arsenal, at that time the third largest in the world, by signing on to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.
In return, Russia, the US and the UK, via the Budapest Memorandum on Security Assurances, "reaffirmed their obligation to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine, and that none of their weapons will ever be used against Ukraine except in self-defence or otherwise in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations (UN)" – words which perhaps ring quite hollow today.
Since then, the Ukraine has faced considerable domestic political turmoil, exacerbated by the separatist movements and tensions with Russia. Twenty years after the Budapest Memorandum, Russia annexed Crimea in 2014 whilst the world watched. Conflicts on the ground in Donbas have continued for the past eight years, with episodic limited ceasefires.
And beginning in spring 2021, Russia massed over 100,000 troops at its borders with Ukraine. In January 2022, cyberattacks were launched against the Ukrainian government websites. On 21 February 2022, Russia recognised two breakaway Ukrainian regions and announced that Russian troops would start performing what it called "peacekeeping operations".
On 24 February 2022, Russia announced the start of a "special military operation" in Ukraine. This was followed shortly by air, land and sea attacks on multiple targets across the whole of Ukraine. Russian ground forces, including armoured formations, rapidly entered Ukraine from the north, the south and the east, and have reached the capital Kyiv.
While Ukraine is far away from us, we are following the crisis with grave concern. Its economic effects can already be felt here, for example, in rising electricity and petrol prices. Minister Gan Kim Yong will address the economic issues later today. But these are not the principal reason the situation in Ukraine is important to us.
The events in Ukraine go to the heart of the fundamental norms of international law and the UN Charter that prohibit the use of force and acts of aggression against another sovereign state. Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a clear and gross violation of the international norms and a completely unacceptable precedent.
This is an existential issue for us. Ukraine is much smaller than Russia, but it is much bigger than Singapore. A world order based on "might is right", or where "the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must", such a world order would be profoundly inimical to the security and survival of small states.
We cannot accept one country attacking another without justification, arguing that its independence was the result of "historical errors and crazy decisions". Such a rationale would go against the internationally recognised legitimacy and territorial integrity of many countries, including Singapore.
That is why we are a staunch supporter of international law, and the principles enshrined in the UN Charter. The sovereignty, political independence and the territorial integrity of all countries, big and small, must be respected. Singapore must take any violation of these core principles seriously, whenever and wherever they occur. And this is why Singapore has strongly condemned Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine.
It is heartbreaking to see the heavy casualties and loss of many innocent lives, resulting from this unjustified attack and act of war. We strongly urge Russia to cease this offensive military action immediately and to work for a peaceful settlement in accordance with the UN Charter and international law. We also call for safe and unhindered access for humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and all those in need.
Singapore is doing our part. The Singapore Red Cross has pledged a contribution of US$100,000 to support communities affected by the current crisis, in cooperation with the Ukrainian Red Cross Society and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
This will provide essential relief supplies, such as hygiene kits, family kits and household kits for the vulnerable who have been displaced by the conflict. In addition, the Singapore Red Cross has launched a public fundraising appeal to support the impending massive humanitarian operations that will be needed. The Government will also contribute US$100,000 to this humanitarian operation through the Singapore Red Cross.
Mr Speaker, there are important lessons for us to draw from the current Ukrainian crisis.
First, whilst international law and diplomatic principles are essential, they are not sufficient. The Budapest Memorandum was supposed to guarantee Ukraine's security by three nuclear powers – Russia, the US and the UK. But agreements are only meaningful if the parties respect them and if they can be enforced. The invasion of Ukraine demonstrates how quickly a vulnerable country can be overrun, especially when confronting a larger and more powerful opponent. This is the acute reality for all small countries and Singapore is no exception.
Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990 are stark reminders of this. You cannot depend on others to protect your country. Thus, we must never lose the ability to defend and look after ourselves. And this is why Singapore has invested consistently to build up a credible and strong SAF and to maintain National Service as a fundamental element of our nationhood. The capability of the SAF must be undergirded by Singaporeans' resolve – the iron determination of our people to fight and die, if need be, to defend what is ours and our way of life. Without such capability and resolve, no amount of diplomacy can save a country.
Second, it is all too easy for a small country to be caught up in the geopolitical games of big powers. Small countries must avoid becoming sacrificial pawns, vassal states or "cat's paws" to be used by one side against the other. In a speech delivered in 1973, former Prime Minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew had shared his agreement with Julius Nyerere, the then-President of Tanzania, who had said, "When elephants fight, the grass suffers".
This is why we work hard to maintain good relations with all our neighbours and with the big powers. When situations arise, our assessments and actions are based on clearly enunciated and consistently held principles that are in our own long-term national interests. Instead of choosing sides, we uphold principles. This is worth repeating. Instead of choosing sides, we uphold principles.
Consequently, we conduct our foreign policy in a coherent and consistent manner. We also become reliable partners for those who operate on the same principles. However, there will occasions when we will have to take a stand, even if it is contrary to one or more powers on the basis of principles – as we are doing now.
Third, as a young nation, it is vital for us to maintain domestic unity and cohesion, bearing in mind how easily internal divisions can be exploited by adversaries, especially in this Internet age and the advent of hybrid warfare.
Dividing and weakening an opponent internally, overtly and covertly, has become a standard complement to conventional warfare. Therefore, our domestic politics must stop at our shores. And I thank all Members of Parliament for adhering to this precept. And I would share that I have also shared this point with the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Pritam Singh.
Fourth, safeguarding one's sovereignty and national interests often requires some sacrifice and pain. The Ukrainians are paying the ultimate price for freedom with their lives and livelihoods. The rest of the international community that is taking a stand against naked aggression through sanctions will also have to bear some pain and pay a price. Singaporeans too must understand that standing up for our national interests may come with some cost. We must be prepared to deal with the consequences, to bear the pain, to help one another and to stand up together.
We continue to value our good relations with Russia and the Russian people. However, we cannot accept such violations of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another sovereign country. We will continue to work with our ASEAN and international partners to take a strong stance against the invasion of Ukraine, and to end further violence and bloodshed, and to de-escalate tensions.
We also participate actively at the United Nations. Three days ago, a draft resolution was presented at the UN Security Council (UNSC) to condemn Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Singapore was one of 82 co-sponsors of this Security Council resolution. As expected, Russia, as a Permanent Member of the Security Council, vetoed that resolution. So, the resolution was not passed even though 11 of the 15 Security Council members voted in support and the remaining three members – China, India and the UAE – abstained. The UN General Assembly (UNGA) will be debating a similar resolution later today. General Assembly resolutions are not subject to a veto, but neither are they binding. However, as a responsible member of the international community, Singapore will comply with the spirit and the letter of the UN General Assembly's decision.
Singapore has always complied fully with sanctions and decisions of the UNSC, but we have rarely acted to impose sanctions on other countries in the absence of binding Security Council decisions or directions. However, given the unprecedented gravity of the Russian attack on Ukraine and the unsurprising veto by Russia of a draft UNSC resolution, Singapore intends to act in concert with many other like-minded countries to impose appropriate sanctions and restrictions against Russia. In particular, we will impose export controls on items that can be used directly as weapons in Ukraine to inflict harm or to subjugate the Ukrainians. We will also block certain Russian banks and financial transactions connected to Russia. The specific measures are being worked out and will be announced shortly.
We must expect that our measures will come at some cost and implications on our businesses, citizens and indeed to Singapore. However, unless we as a country stand up for principles that are the very foundation for the independence and sovereignty of smaller nations, our own right to exist and prosper as a nation may similarly be called into question one day.
I note that Dr Lim Wee Kiak1 and Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim2 have filed Parliamentary Questions on the current situation in Ukraine, especially on the steps taken by MFA to help Singaporeans in Ukraine. I would be happy to address their concerns in a clarification after this and if the concerns are sufficiently addressed, they can consider withdrawing the subsequent Parliamentray Questions and save time.
Mr Speaker, in the lead-up to Russia's military operation into Ukraine on 24 February 2022, MFA had issued two Travel Advisories on the situation in Ukraine on 26 January and 13 February respectively. We advised Singaporeans in Ukraine to leave as soon as possible via commercial means while it was still possible to do so at that point in time. Singaporeans in Ukraine were also urged to e-register with MFA, so that we could render consular assistance to them. Following our first Travel Advisory, seven Singaporeans left Ukraine via commercial options before the conflict erupted.
Since the launch of the Russian invasion, another three Singaporeans have left Ukraine and made their way across the border into Poland. We are still in touch with eight Singaporeans currently in Ukraine who are spread across several cities. We are aware of at least one other person whom we are still trying to contact. Singaporeans' safety remains our priority concern. MFA has been in contact with them, and we will assist them wherever and however possible. We are also exploring options for them to leave the country if the situation permits. In the meantime, Singaporeans who are in Ukraine are advised to seek shelter in place, be vigilant and to heed the advice from the authorities. Those who have not yet e-registered with MFA should do so immediately.
Mr Speaker, this is a time for us to come together and to stand up for principles, uphold principles which are core to our survival, our existence as an independent, sovereign nation. [Applause.]
Any clarifications? Mr Gerald Giam.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. Given that Singapore has cordial relations with the US, Europe, Ukraine and Russia, to what extent have the recent events put our efforts out of balance? And how can we maintain our interest vis-à-vis all the parties?
Secondly, are there concerns that the recent events in Ukraine might trigger similar territorial incursions elsewhere, notwithstanding different geopolitical interests and settings? And how may this impact Singapore's interests?
Mr Speaker, I thank Mr Giam for his salient questions. We do have excellent relations with the US, with the EU, with Russia. And of course, we have diplomatic relations with Ukraine as well.
The Member's questions on balance, I would address by bringing us back to first principles: that we do not take sides, we uphold principles. And in this case, the principles at stake are independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. And I explained just now that Singapore's foreign policy is consistent, is coherent. In fact, it is almost always predictable.
And I can tell you now, from experience, from the past six to seven years with the privilege of representing Singapore on stage, is that big powers and our neighbours and middle powers have also gotten used to the fact that it is not personal, it is professional, it is principled. We take a position based on these principles which we believe to be essential for our long-term national interest.
And I can also tell you, although there is no time to go through all the details now, that even in my tenure over the past six or seven years, I have had to say no, on occasion, to every single superpower. But it has not stopped us from being able to sit at the table, look at each other's eyes, shake hands, explain where we defer, why we defer and at the same time, to pursue areas of cooperation where our interests align and where our principles are shared. So, this is not new, this is not a new posture. This in fact, is a posture that we have adopted for every single year since we have been independent. And I am maintaining that tradition.
The second question: are the events in far away Ukraine possibly a model and inspiration or an invitation for similar incursions elsewhere? I will not speculate where other clashes will erupt around the world except to tell you – and I am sure you are also aware as a former diplomat yourself – that we are not short of hotspots in the world.
Again, I will bring us back to this fundamental point that we talked about – deterrence. For deterrence to work, first, we ourselves must have the capability to defend ourselves. Nobody else will shed blood on our account. Secondly, having the capability – the arms, the ORBAT and all the funding that this Parliament provides to MINDEF – capability without resolve, without, as I said earlier, that iron determination to fight and die, to defend and protect what is ours and our way of life, without both capability and resolve, it would not deter anyone.
And there is one additional dimension: that your partner or your protagonist on the other side must also have arrived at that same conclusion – that you have both the capability and resolve to defend. That is how you secure peace in a dangerous world.
In the larger point I am making, is that, yes, we are standing on principle, and yes, we may even have to pay a price, but this is a price worth paying for the future existence, independence and prosperity of Singapore.
Mr Vikram Nair.
I would like to thank the Minister for taking a very clear, principled position and explaining how Singapore stands on this. I have two clarifications. The first is the United Nations has always been an important institution, at least for setting the benchmark against aggression. But would this send a message that it will be difficult to restrain big powers from engaging in acts of aggression and is there more the world community can do in this respect? I know Singapore is just a small voice in that, but is there more that the world community can do in this engagement?
The second is, in relation to specific measures that Singapore may take, this will be elaborated on later, but I think it will be important for whatever we do in this message to send the clear signal that we stand against these acts of aggression and the UN Charter must be upheld.
I thank Mr Nair for his questions. It is always difficult to restrain big powers or emerging big powers, who will always give precedence to their national interests defined on their terms. So, let us have no illusions about this. For what it is worth, having international law, having avenues of peaceful resolution on disputes, having the United Nations with its Charter, having instruments like the Security Council and the General Assembly, capable of establishing norms, capable, sometimes – assuming there is no veto – of arriving at Security Council resolutions, is valuable. As I have said, that is why we are such staunch supporters of international law and the United Nations. We have to be, because the alternative is "might is right" or the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.
But, my point is that you cannot rely on that alone. Every country, big or small, has to have the capability and the resolve to defend itself, then to make common cause on the basis of principle with other like-minded countries. And for what it is worth, try to establish norms of state behaviour. But human history is replete with conflicts, conflicts which when you look back in hindsight make no sense, brought far more harm than any objective that was sought at the beginning, or simply miscalculations.
So, again, I am making the point that for what it is worth, we uphold principles, we do not take sides. And that is the formula to preserve our future security and prosperity.
Mr Zhulkarnain Abdul Rahim.
I thank the Minister for the elaboration and detailed explanation. I am thankful for the answers to my Parliamentary Question as well, wherein I asked about assistance to fellow Singaporeans who are embroiled in that conflict.
I have two clarifications. First is, I think both the virus and violence are taking a toll on the people in the Ukrainian region. So, it is going to be a great humanitarian crisis and the refugee situation in Eastern Europe will also be unprecedented. What can ASEAN and Singapore do to alleviate the situation over there, particularly, given that COVID-19 is still raging amongst us and there would be some need to render assistance in that regard?
Secondly, I am told that for small countries, we do hold true to the principle of international law and we denounce the notion of "might is right". But at the same time, we still need to know the lay of the land and navigate our way through. So, what are the implications in terms of international order, particularly for Singapore and smaller states, given this particular crisis that is unravelling before us?
I thank Mr Zhulkarnain for both questions. He is right; the virus and violence are a perfect recipe of humanitarian disaster, which is occurring right now. I explained earlier in my statement that the Singapore Red Cross has contributed US$100,000. The Singapore Government will also contribute to that and I am sure members of the public will also be generous. And we will work through the Ukrainian Red Cross, the International Society of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies.
At the ASEAN level, ASEAN has taken a stand that there needs to be mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. I hope there will be a humanitarian impulse from ASEAN as well. Specifically, for the citizens of ASEAN who may be stranded.
Similarly, on the ground, I am sure we will continue to work with each other, look out for citizens of ASEAN and where possible, "tumpang", "gotong royong" and help one another. I think these are teachable moments, good opportunities for ASEAN to demonstrate value and solidarity with each other where it matters.
The second question on what are the implications of this crisis? Well, as I said, there are multiple. First off, we already feel the economic impact and Minister Gan will be dealing with this later today.
The abrogation of international law and norms is a clear and present danger especially for small states like us and that is why we have had to take such a principled stand. As I said, standing up for principle is not cost-free. So, we also have to be prepared for that. But, if the world continues to watch with folded arms, we are headed into a much more dangerous world.
After the end of the Second World War in 1945 and the establishment of the European Union, I think many people thought war on the European Continent was unthinkable. Clearly, that rosy view is wrong, and you are watching, again, war on European soil in an advanced beautiful capital today. The point is if norms are not complied with and if borders can be trifled with, on the basis of all kinds of justifications and sometimes even pretext, then it will be a much more dangerous world, and especially for us. So, bear in mind that, actually, we are taking a stand not just for this particular crisis, but we are taking a stand for our long-term survival, prosperity and peace.
Dr Lim Wee Kiak.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I have two clarifications. One is on Ukrainians who are currently in Singapore. I would like to know how are we providing assistance to them if their Social Pass or work pass expires. Are we going to help them to extend, while their country is currently in crisis now? Does the Minister have the numbers as to how many Ukrainians are currently in Singapore, for whatever reasons?
Number two, what is the proper channel for us to channel resources to help now? The Minister mentioned about Red Cross is one resource. Will the Government have a concerted effort to have fundraising efforts from the public to help the Ukrainian, rather to have multiple websites and we do not know which is the one that is approved and authorised?
Also, currently, the Ukrainian President is calling for the foreign legion to help the country, for fighters to come in. If any Singaporeans were to volunteer to become a fighter to go to Ukraine, will the Government object or will the Government stop them? What is the stand on these things?
That is actually three questions. I do not have the figures on Ukrainians who are currently in Singapore and the passes that they are on. This is something which ICA and MHA would look at and I am not in a position to give any blanket assurances on that. I think I will also have to reiterate our long-held position that we cannot take refugees because we are one of the most dense cities or states in the world. Nevertheless, we will look at it case-by-case, depending on the merits of the particular situation.
On channels, my advice would be to support the Singapore Red Cross. I think that is clear, reputable and safe. The Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies were created precisely to have a role in such conflict situations. So, I would encourage people who are minded to provide humanitarian assistance to work through the Red Cross.
On the third question about the foreign legion, again, I will have to come back to principle. Singapore does not take sides. Singapore does not allow the import of foreign politics into Singapore's domestic environment. Similarly, Singapore cannot support the promotion or organisation of armed groups, whatever their justification, into other countries. Our long-standing rules and regulatory system must continue to apply. Singapore Citizens, your duty is to Singapore, to fight and die if need be, to defend our national interests and to take a long-term view of what our national interests are. So, I will leave it at that.
Mr Leon Perera.
I just have one clarification for the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Will the Government be exploring the initiation of a common position on this very grave issue with the other ASEAN member states? Is that something that is being considered? Is that something that will be looked at, in spite of the challenges in doing so, which obviously do exist and that is very clear?
Thank you. The short answer to that is yes, all the foreign ministers and our officials have been in intensive contact over the last few days. As I have said, we recently – in fact, I think just a day ago – issued an ASEAN common statement.
I will be frank and tell you that the 10 of us will have a variety of views, but I am glad that we were able to issue a consensus statement that reaffirmed mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. I also hope that there will be cooperation on humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and, as I said earlier, also cooperation on helping each other's citizens emerge safely from a conflict situation.
Mr Lim Biow Chuan.
Sir, if I may voice my support for the Government's stand on the Ukraine situation. May I ask the Minister, considering China's stand in the United Nations on the invasion of Ukraine, how would this affect our relationship with China?
Second clarification is that, would the Minister be able to clarify or explain what MFA thinks about Russia's statement that they will be "putting nuclear forces on high alert". What does that mean? Would Singaporeans who are staying in NATO countries be considered safe or would there be advice that they were to evacuate from those countries as well?
Mr Speaker, I am the Foreign Minister of Singapore and I would hesitate to speculate as to what China's full position and actions will be. But I can make the following observations. China abstained at the vote on the resolution that was presented to the United Nations Security Council.
The second point is that China has expressed some solidarity, at least more so in recent times, and some sympathy for Russian concerns. My third observation is that I believe China does hold firmly to the principle of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Beyond that, I do not wish to speculate but I do want to assure the Member that we have been, as always, in constant contact with my Chinese counterpart. In fact, President Halimah and I were in Beijing, I think just three weeks ago. I am not even sure that the Olympic truce has expired yet and I will not be able to reveal details. But we, certainly, had an opportunity to listen to the leadership of China's views on unfolding events. But that was three weeks ago, before the hot conflict emerged.
I do not want to speculate into the Member's second question about the impact of elevation of the nuclear alert. There are nuclear powers in the world. And every time a nuclear power gets into a hot war, we need to be very, very concerned. Beyond that, I do not wish to speculate except, again, to express our hope that there is so much more to lose from letting the situation get out of control. So, our hope is that restraint will apply, there will be an immediate cessation of hostilities and violence. I believe there had been some arrangements for negotiations to occur between Ukraine and Russia at the border with Belarus, perhaps today or maybe even as we speak. I hope those negotiations will bear some fruit.
The Member's point is that this is a dangerous time and we all need to be concerned.
Ms Denise Phua.
Speaker, I thank the Minister for clarifying Singapore's stand. Beyond declaring our principles, I would like to ask if the Government would review the ongoing initiatives and projects, whether economic, defence or cultural, with the Russian government and any of the government-linked organisations, especially for those based in Singapore, and decide after the review, what action it will take that will support the principles that the Minister had just articulated?
Mr Speaker, we have spent quite a lot of time already on this subject. And as I have said, we are working through the details. So, I do not want to run ahead and I do not want to engage in speculation but to just make the point that we have no quarrel with the Russian people. I think the Member was indirectly alluding to the project that we have on the Russian Orthodox Church building and I would imagine that this is a project which, in my own view, should continue because this goes beyond the politics and the conflict which is going on right now.
Order. End of Ministerial Statement. The Clerk will now proceed to read the Orders of the Day.
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