Tribute to the Founding Prime Minister of Singapore, the Late Mr Lee Kuan Yew

Order. On behalf of this House, and with a heavy heart, I wish to place on record the demise of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, the hon Member of Parliament for Tanjong Pagar GRC and founding Prime Minister of Singapore, on 23 March 2015.

Mr Lee's demise is a great loss to Parliament and the people of Singapore and it is with great sadness that this House pays tribute to the man we know as the Founding Father of Singapore. Mr Lee was an outstanding Parliamentarian and his speeches in this House were never dull or inconsequential. It was in this House that he fought many battles and shaped numerous policies to set Singapore on the right trajectory.

Mr Lee founded the People's Action Party in 1954 and took part in the landmark 1955 Singapore Legislative Assembly election. At the age of 31, Mr Lee secured the seat of Tanjong Pagar – a seat he held for 14 successive General Elections and one by-election. His parliamentary career spanned nearly 60 years, earning him the honour of being the longest-serving Member of Parliament in Singapore and, undoubtedly, the most illustrious of them all.

Mr Lee became the first Prime Minister of Singapore after the People's Action Party secured 43 of the 51 seats in the Legislative Assembly during the General Election of 1959. He took the reins of leadership for 31 years and led the then fledgling Singapore through a most uncertain time. He gave the founding generation hope and a clear sense of direction, especially when Singapore was taking its first, tentative steps as an independent nation. This was just what our forefathers needed.

Mr Lee was a conviction politician. When asked in his memoirs what it took to be a politician, he said, "You must have convictions". Mr Lee, himself, did not set out with the aspiration to be a politician. In his memoirs, he recounted that he returned to Singapore from his overseas studies to be a lawyer. But he was driven to assume public office by two convictions: one, he wanted a Singapore without a colonial master; and two, he wanted a

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system that focused on meritocracy.

In Parliament, Mr Lee set very high standards for himself and expected the same from all the other Members of Parliament, too. In a speech to Parliament in 1999, Mr Lee said that he wanted Members of Parliament whose "instincts are immediately for Singaporeans". He reminded us that "Parliament as an arena for the contest of wits and wills over matters of policies will always remain important because of our system of parliamentary democracy" but that we must "make no mistake… In this Chamber, we are playing for keeps. The future of Singapore and its people… is not a question for light-hearted banter." Even when he was ill and quite frail, Mr Lee would make tremendous effort to attend Parliament Sittings as he took his duties very seriously.

Mr Lee never flinched from taking hard decisions, many of which were taken in this august Chamber. In 1968, when speaking on the Employment Bill, he said, "We will be judged as a government by results. These results depend, among other things, upon the morale and enthusiasm of the people, and the pace set by their leaders in Parliament and outside."

Mr Lee's abiding concern was the interest and welfare of the people, even if there were painful adjustments to be made in the short term. People respected and followed him because of one very important element and that is trust. They trusted that he did not make decisions for his own self-aggrandisement or personal benefit but truly for the benefit of Singapore.

Mr Lee's personal leadership and his style and values helped set the tone and shaped the kind of parliament that we have inherited today. Deeply committed to Singapore, passionate to ensure not just Singapore's survival but also its success, he was a leader par excellence. He had devoted his entire life to make the life of all Singaporeans better. Mr Lee has left a deep impact on this House and we will feel the vacuum. The least that we as Parliamentarians can do now is to uphold the values that he held dear when he was alive.

In 1999, when we moved to this Chamber from the old Parliament House, Mr Lee said, "The importance of this Chamber did not, and does not, depend on its size and its grandeur, but upon the quality of men and women who occupy it as representatives of the people. By the standards of other public and private buildings in Singapore, it is modest by comparison. But that is a virtue. Behind the understatement lie great strengths of character, integrity and determination. That is what will see Singapore through, not the grand statements and monuments in brick and mortar or steel and concrete, with which so many other new nations try to impress themselves and their followers". Mr Lee could very well have described himself and his own life when he made that statement.

Mr Lee reminded us that, "Nobody believed that we could make it, but we have. But there is no reason to believe that we will continue to make it. We will continue to make it

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only if there are tough-minded people who know the difference between the froth and the substance."

Hon Members, it now falls upon us as Members of this House to ensure that we continue Mr Lee's legacy of a responsible and effective Parliament, a duty we owe to the people of Singapore.

The House records with deep regret the passing of the hon Member of Parliament for Tanjong Pagar GRC and founding Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. On behalf of all Members, I wish to express our deepest sympathy and condolences to the family of the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew.

I also wish to thank the thousands who have braved the hot sun to pay their last respects to Mr Lee, for their support and sympathies. In this moment of grief, we have become even more united as Singaporeans.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew's death is, indeed, a grievous loss to Singapore and this House.

Mdm Speaker, today this House mourns the passing of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, the founding Prime Minister of Singapore. As you have said, Mdm Speaker, Mr Lee was our longest serving and most illustrious Member. When Mr Lee was admitted to SGH a few weeks ago for pneumonia, Singaporeans from all walks of life watched anxiously, increasingly worried as his condition worsened. There were well wishes – little cards placed all over SGH – so much so that SGH had to create a special site in their courtyard. We saw elderly Singaporeans with arthritic joints kneeling, prostrating themselves for his recovery. Despite the outpouring of deep wishes and fervent prayers, it was not to be. Mr Lee's chair sits empty today. His loss is deeply felt. A nation cries out in mourning. No one moved Singapore as Mr Lee Kuan Yew did – not in life, not in sickness and not in death. We in this House, together with all Singaporeans here and abroad, weep that Mr Lee is no longer among us.

Why this deep sorrow for one man? Why do tears flow uncontrollably for thousands on his passing and memory? Simply put, Singapore would not be what it is today without Mr Lee Kuan Yew. He was that bright night star that guided us, an impoverished and fearful nation through Independence. He envisioned, then drove Singapore to become a success story – as he promised, from "mudflats to a thriving metropolis" that countries all over seek to emulate. Today, Singaporeans hold their passports with confidence and pride. Mr Lee's vision and tenacity rallied and energised a nation to overcome seemingly insurmountable odds. He coaxed, pushed Singaporeans to do what was difficult, but ultimately right and good for their long-term interests. With his powers of persuasion, Mr Lee's clarity and

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confidence became ours, the people's – the mark of a great leader.

Mr Lee is no longer with us, but I believe as many do here, that each generation will discover anew his wisdom in building the sturdy foundations of a thriving Singapore. His life is like a treasure chest. Each visit through his many deeds and words – and you see it now in the community tribute sites, the videos that play, the people who sit there were riveted by what he said, how he said it, his convictions, the courage of his convictions, his clarity of what he believed in, what he saw as problems, and as you replay it – it will reveal pearls of wisdom and nuggets of sound advice, as I found for this eulogy. For such a monumental life, any eulogy will fall short and I seek your pardon. But to honour his memory and remind us what his life stood for, I propose to capture the essence of Mr Lee through his speeches – the very words he used in this Parliament.

Even at the dawn of his political career, Mr Lee identified closely with the hopes and aspirations of common Singaporeans. Mdm Speaker, you mentioned his first election in 1955. There he told the voters of Tanjong Pagar, that out of 25 divisions, he wanted to represent "workers, wage earners and small traders, not wealthy merchants or landlords." This was why he "chose Tanjong Pagar, not Tanglin". The residents of Tanjong Pagar believed and trusted him and elected him by a handsome margin. Astonishingly, as Mdm Speaker had said, Mr Lee would be returned as their Member of Parliament for 13 subsequent general elections. He would serve as Member of Parliament for Tanjong Pagar for 60 years – from 1955 to 2015. In fact, he is the only Member of Parliament that Tanjong Pagar has ever had, since elections had started in Singapore, pre-dating our Independence. I doubt this record will ever be broken in our Parliamentary history.

But Mr Lee and his Government did not get re-elected time and time again because they dispensed sweet words. Indeed, Mr Lee would often warn voters against politicians with silver-tongues purveying sweet promises, empty promises. He gained a fearsome reputation as one who eschewed the easier, more popular but ultimately wrong paths, as he recounted in his book, "Lee Kuan Yew: Hard Truths to Keep Singapore Going".

Flattery fell flat on him as did lofty but pretentious ideals. For Mr Lee, the acid test was whether the idea or proposal would make Singapore stronger. If it weakened this country's foundations, he would reject it, even if it was politically incorrect to say so and attracted widespread criticism. If it would make Singapore better, then no obstacles, no preconceived notions, no preset habits were too deeply entrenched to uproot or overcome. Indeed, he would attack these hindrances squarely and vigorously, to improve our circumstances. That was the Lee Kuan Yew the world knew and respected throughout his political life.

In 1968, a Member of Parliament asked this Parliament, how the British withdrawal would impact Singapore. Mr Lee told Singaporeans matter-of-factly that the British bases made up 20% of the GNP and tens of thousands of jobs would be lost. He spoke plainly, there was more to come. He told Singaporeans that they would have "to adapt and adjust, without

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any whimpering or wringing of hands, as a way of life which they have been accustomed to for over 30 years comes to an end."

A truly hard truth. When another Member of Parliament followed and asked if economic aid from the British could ease the effects of the pull-out, Mr Lee's quick and unequivocal rejoinder was that any aid should "not make us dependent on perpetual injections of aid from the outside", that "…we cannot change our attitude to life, that the world does not owe us a living" – this is the origin of the phrase – "and that we cannot live by the begging bowl... The best way of meeting the problem is to go about it quietly and intelligently, discussing our problems in a low key and with as little fuss and bother as possible."

These were his words in 1967 when the British were pulling out. There was steel in the tone of these replies but Mr Lee revealed later in 1999 that he knew how serious the problem really was. He said, "1968 to 1971… were critical years for our young republic. We knew we either made it or we would fail. We worked hard, we worked smart and, most important, we worked as a team. By the time the British withdrew in Oct 1971, we had avoided massive unemployment..."

Mr Lee said, "with as little fuss as possible", but in those critical years it would mean a fundamental overhaul of what Singaporeans had indeed become accustomed to but could not afford. To stop the rot, Mr Lee rooted out corruption and attacked the malaise that afflicted our society and economy. What followed would re-make the work environment, industrial relations, schools, skills upgrading, productivity, defence and security. The very issues we talk about in Parliament today. He rid Singapore of unsavoury, unproductive and unsustainable habits and customs inherited from its past. A slew of legislative reforms followed in this House. Amendments were made to Employment, Industrial Relations and Trade Unions Acts that put an end to the disruptive labour strikes. Bills were passed to build technical training institutes – the forerunners of today's ITE, Polytechnics and Universities – to educate and upgrade the skills of our workforce. Work hours were extended and the number of public holidays slashed. As you can imagine, none of these Bills was popular. Not one.

All of us in Government and as Members of Parliament on the ground know how difficult it is to carry unpopular policies, even when they are right. Why did Mr Lee and his Government choose to persuade Singaporeans to do, again and again, what was necessary but painful? Mr Lee himself provided us the answer. He said in 1968 in this House:

"If we were a soft community, then the temptation would be to leave things alone and hope for the best. Then, only good fortune can save us from the unpleasantness which reason and logic tell us is ahead of us. But we are not an easy-going people. We cannot help thinking, calculating and planning for tomorrow, for next week, for next month, for next year, for the next generation. And it is because we have restless minds, forever probing and testing,

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seeking new and better solutions to old and new problems, that we have never been, and I trust never shall be, tried and found wanting."

Mr Lee spoke these words in 1968 to remind Singaporeans that unless they were willing to change and continuously adapt, even if it meant short-term pain, Singapore could not rise.

In return for the people's trust and willingness to do what was needed, Mr Lee and his Government promised a better Singapore after these reforms – "more industries and more jobs…improved standards of education, health services, social amenities and housing for all." Again, the issues we talk about in Parliament today.

As prescient as these words were, it seemed an unattainable dream when Mr Lee gave these promises in 1968. Singapore's per capita GDP then was around Myanmar today. It would take a further two decades of constant effort and continuous change, "seeking new and better solutions", as he put it, which included CPF reforms and the introduction of National Service in 1967. But at the end of it, Mr Lee and his Government delivered. Cabinet colleagues remember Mr Lee, our Mentor, often reminding us to under-promise and over-deliver. Say less and do more. What you promise, you must deliver and more. Mr Lee walked his talk.

Even in his twilight years, Mr Lee kept a constant watch over Singapore's future in the world. Singapore's well-being was his obsession, as many of us know. Woe betide anyone who tried to knock it down. He was never complacent about our fundamentals and his singular passion was to make sure that Singapore remained well positioned for the future.

In 2009, Mr Lee, then at 86 years, unexpectedly joined a debate on a Motion about equality in this House. He said, "Sir, I had not intended to intervene in any debate. But I was doing my physiotherapy just now and reading the newspapers and I thought I should bring the House back to earth... and remind everybody what is our starting point, what is our base, and if we do not recognise where we started from, and that these are our foundations, we will fail."

Eighty-six-year-old gentleman, doing his physiotherapy, reading the newspapers. Lesser mortals would have thought about other things, but Mr Lee decided he would have to make a speech in Parliament. Mr Lee went on to explain why the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore "enjoins us (the Government) to specifically look after the position of the Malays and other minorities".

Our Constitution states expressly that it is a duty of the Government "not to treat everybody as equal. It is not reality, it is not practical, it will lead to grave and irreparable damage if we work on that principle."

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Lee Kuan Yew refused to be swayed by ideology that could not work. He considered these as "highfalutin ideas that misled Singaporeans". As a result, today, many countries come to Singapore to study how we have maintained our harmony in a multiracial society.

But while Mr Lee held constant and firm to key fundamentals, he could change his own mind, if it made Singapore better. In 2005, he supported the proposal to build Integrated Resorts. He told this House why: "The old model on which I worked was to create a first-world city in a third-world region – clean, green, efficient, pleasant, healthy and wholesome, safe and secure for everyone. These virtues are valuable but no longer sufficient."

"Singapore has to reposition itself in this world. …if you are in charge, if you are responsible for Singapore's future, for its well-being, for its vibrancy, for the kind of life Singapore can provide its people in 10, 20 years, can you say no? That is the question you have to answer…This is your choice. Surely, we must move forward and keep abreast of the top cities in Asia and the world."

Above all, Mr Lee believed that, ultimately, it was in the quality of its people and leaders that determined a nation's chances of success. Mdm Speaker had quoted what he said when Parliament moved in 1999.

"…the importance of this Chamber did not, and does not, depend upon its size and its grandeur, but upon the quality of the men and women who occupy it as representatives of the people… By the standards of other public and private buildings in Singapore, it is modest by comparison. That is a virtue. Behind the understatement lie great strengths of character, integrity and determination. That is what will see Singapore through, not the grand monuments in brick and mortar or steel and concrete, with which so many other new nations try to impress themselves and their followers."

Mr Lee never believed in the size of the chamber and its grandeur. He believed that the understatement lie great strength of character, integrity and determination. And that is what will see us through. Mr Lee never believed that physical monuments or towering edifices engendered or sustained greatness. He would brush aside these as foundations for our success.

This past week, we have seen the glowing tributes to Mr Lee from leaders and on the front pages of newspapers from all over the world. Ministers and Members of Parliament from Australia and New Zealand have held special sessions in their Parliaments in Mr Lee's honour. World leaders are disrupting their schedules to come personally to attend his funeral service. This recognition is seldom given to even leaders of great countries, let alone a little red dot.

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I find it befitting and poetic that for one who did not believe in monuments, that Mr Lee Kuan Yew himself became Singapore's greatest icon. Indeed, Mr Lee has had such a monumental impact on all Singaporeans that each would have his or her own special memory of him. I am sure all of us have one particular memory, or memories, of Mr Lee. You read the tributes, the artwork, the banners, the beautifully crafted posters by tens of thousands of Singaporeans at our tribute sites. Many others will certainly remember him as an internationally renowned great teacher and statesman. For myself, two personal encounters have left lasting impressions.

In 2009, Mr Lee led a delegation on an official trip to many states of Malaysia. Deputy Prime Minister Tharman and I were part of it. The delegation was having dinner together – it was a long trip – when Mr Lee asked to excuse himself so that he could speak on the phone to Mrs Lee. Due to previous strokes, Mrs Lee could not speak but remained conscious and aware. Mr Lee had made it a routine to speak and read to her each night. He did not want to break this routine, even though he was in Malaysia on a long trip. He asked the nurse to put the phone to Mrs Lee and spoke to her. He did this every night while we were in Malaysia. We stood aside to respect their privacy, but that image of Mr Lee, hunched over the phone speaking to Mrs Lee who could not speak back, will stay with me for a very long time as a simple but pure picture of true devotion. Mrs Lee passed away in 2010 and the impact on him was visible physically. I think many people noticed this.

Mr Lee had, indeed, become frail as he approached his 90th birthday in 2013. He had problems in swallowing and food would go down the wrong way into his windpipe, infecting his lungs repeatedly. As eating could cause aspiration pneumonia, he needed intravenous nutrition as supplement but became progressively thinner. Parliament was sitting that year on 16 September, his birthday, and we wanted to acknowledge his 90th birthday, an auspicious birthday. I called on Mr Lee at the Istana and told him about our plans. He said he would be in Parliament that day on 16 September.

Unfortunately, when that day came, a dehydrated and weakened Mr Lee had to go to hospital and be put on a drip. His doctors advised him not to attend Parliament. We were informed, so we called off our plans. But just before Parliament adjourned, we were surprised when Mr Lee entered the Chamber. I found out later that he over-ruled his doctors, saying that he must attend Parliament because he had given his commitment. He wanted to walk actually but, thankfully, his doctors persuaded him that it would be acceptable for a 90-year-old on intravenous nutrition to be wheeled into the Chamber. That 16 September, this House had the last privilege to wish him Happy Birthday together. After Parliament adjourned, he stayed on as we cut his birthday cake and sang him a birthday song. At age 90, frail and dehydrated, Mr Lee kept his word to be here.

Great strength of character, determination and integrity. Lee Kuan Yew had all of these qualities and more. He kept his promises. What he said he would do, he would, and more –

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whether it was for individuals or an entire nation.

As we honour his memory, we resolve to learn from his example to be men and women, individually and collectively as a nation, to have that great strength of character, integrity and determination. These values, as Mr Lee emphasised, would see us through difficult times. We must maintain, as he put it, "restless minds, forever probing and testing, seeking new and better solutions to old and new problems, (so) that we have never been, and I trust never shall be, tried and found wanting."

We must aspire to these qualities that Mr Lee asked of us, because that would be the greatest tribute to the memory of Lee Kuan Yew, of what he stood for, fought against and desired for the good of Singapore and Singaporeans.

There will not be another Lee Kuan Yew who made us better than we are or could be. Mr Lee Kuan Yew founded, moved and lifted a nation. Because of his unwavering devotion and a life poured out for Singapore, he has made all our lives better and for many generations to come. Few mortals have accomplished so much in their lifetime. We in this House are honoured to have lived and served with him. His legacy will live on through us and through this nation.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew had his critics while alive. He was asked on a number of occasions how he thought history would judge him at the end. His reply would invariably be non-committal. Once he replied factually, "I would be dead by then". That was Mr Lee. But, today, we have the opportunity to tell Mr Lee, if he could hear us, and I believe he can:

"Mr Lee, we would tell you that Singaporeans have decided. Thousands upon thousands lined the streets on your journey from Sri Temasek to this Parliament House. They queued for hours under the hot sun to pay their respects here. They did so spontaneously, an outpouring of gratitude and admiration for what you have done for their lives. I believe thousands more will do so when you move from here to your final resting place on Sunday. Singaporeans shouted your name repeatedly and clapped with adulation."

"Mr Lee, I am sorry that they had to wait so long. I can just hear his reprimand in my ear. My Cabinet colleagues walked through the crowds thanking our people for their patience. Singaporeans smiled, replied that the wait was little compared to what you have done for them. Employers let off workers who skipped meals to pay respects. Volunteers distributed food and drink to people in line. Parents brought their little children along, determined that their children should know who had been responsible for our good lives here. Senior citizens hobbled on walking sticks or on wheelchairs to say good-bye and thank you personally, despite their physical infirmities. Mr Lee, all these Singaporeans, young and old, whose lives you have touched – it is they who matter, as you always said, and who have pronounced the final judgement on your life's work. It is a great work that has surpassed all

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expectations. It is called Singapore and filled with Singaporeans who love and revere you. Majulah Singapura. Rest in peace." [Applause.]

Mdm Speaker, in Mandarin, please.

(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Today, in Parliament, with a heart of gratitude and thanks, we remember a great man who served Singapore his whole life – our founding Prime Minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew. If we have to use a four-word phrase to describe what he did, then the most appropriate would be "concern for the country, concern for the people, 忧国忧民.”

The last time Mr Lee was in Parliament was on 5 November last year. At that time, he was not very mobile, but each of his steps, each turn of his body, attracted our attention. We still remember 16 September 2013 when we were all here to celebrate his 90th birthday. The National Archives, on that occasion, published a series of books entitled "Singapore Chose Lee Kuan Yew".

Before that, I visited him in his office in Istana and asked him what he was most concerned about regarding Singapore. He said that, at 90, he need not worry about Singapore as "there are other younger and more competent people in charge." So, he had no big worries for Singapore. "Singapore is in good hands and will continue to thrive and prosper."

We can say that he left with peace of mind.

Every year, Members of Parliament would together send him a birthday card. I remember, on his 88th birthday, we gave him a birthday card. This is the card, and I wished him a life to a hundred, he smiled and said, "Ninety, no problem, I think. But a hundred, very difficult". So, that is him, someone who treated everything seriously and based his statement on facts. His father passed away at 94 and his mother passed away at 69, the average is 81.5. So, he said, if he passed away after age 80, then he would be happy with his life and fate, because the person who is happy with life and fate would have peace of mind.

When he was 90, we also gave him a birthday card. Up to last year, when he was 91, we did the same. This is a photo taken by Prime Minister Lee at the 49th National Day Celebrations. Unfortunately, this year, he cannot celebrate SG50 with us.

I worked in the newspapers in the 1970s, became a Member of Parliament and joined NTUC in the 1990s, altogether over 30 years. Because of my work over these years, I had the opportunity to work with Mr Lee, interact with him and went overseas with him. From my

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close observation of him, I drew three conclusions.

First, all of Founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew's considerations are for the interest of Singapore.

Second, politics is long-term work, we must be down-to-earth and not be populist.

Third, we must help the vulnerable groups, so that everyone will have a better life.

In the 1980s, I was working in the news desk in Zaobao and I had the opportunity to cover his overseas trips, including trips to the United States, Europe, China, India, Pakistan, Australia, New Zealand and ASEAN countries.

Whether it was President Reagan, Deng Xiaoping, Mrs Gandhi or Suharto, they all saw Lee Kuan Yew as a good friend and they knew the purpose of Mr Lee's visit was to seek more multilateral interests or bilateral interests, but all for Singapore's interest. They respected and appreciated Mr Lee Kuan Yew and never considered us as a small country. Countries large and small honoured Mr Lee Kuan Yew with protocol and courtesy, which made me understand that as long as we are strong and independent, a small country can have strong diplomacies, too.

While working as a journalist and as an elected Member of Parliament thereafter, I had many opportunities to have lunch with him, together with other colleagues. At times, he also invited Members of Parliament and their spouses to attend dinners at the Istana with him. But whether it was lunch or dinner, it was always a working meal.

Through these gatherings and interactions, Mr Lee shared with us his political wisdom and we let him know our views on some political issues and the reaction on the ground. Sometimes, he would ask us to give him an individual report on a specific issue, so that he can convey to the relevant Ministry.

In 2003, when SARS broke out, he knew that I was in charge of the taxi association. He was the first one to send me an email. He wanted to know what the taxi association was doing to help the taxi drivers, and he also said if we needed his help, he would try his best to help. He said, "I can help you to send a message to all the taxi drivers". So, he sent me a photograph of him, as well as a personally signed message, that we passed on to all the taxi drivers, reminding them what they must pay attention to.

All of us know that Mr Lee was most concerned about industrial relations in SIA. Whenever SIA management and employees had different views, he would meet both sides. For him, protecting the competitive advantage of SIA was protecting the interest of

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Singapore.

We can say that he was very concerned about workers' welfare. He had frequent interactions with the union leaders and he saw a greater purpose, which is to bring better jobs for Singapore workers, better lives for Singaporeans. In fact, he was the main driver behind the Industrial Relations Bill and the Employment Bill in 1968.

Mr Lee is gone. What kind of Singapore will it be without Mr Lee Kuan Yew?

What the founding Prime Minister has left behind are not the thoughts of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, but a system, which includes governance by the elites, racial harmony, economic development, strong defence and foreign relations, bilingualism, honesty and integrity, a garden city, metropolis, a heart of gratitude and home ownership.

This is a system that will enable Singapore to develop continuously, and is adaptable and able to keep abreast with the times. It is like our smart phones which can be upgraded every now and then, and can allow new applications to be added in.

When Mr Lee was a young student in Cambridge, he already decided to return to Singapore after graduation and fight for independence from British colonial rule. He chose to join politics. At that time, Singapore had many choices. Singapore chose Mr Lee Kuan Yew and that is why we have the Singapore today.

This morning, Mdm Speaker, several Ministers and many Members of Parliament were at the Parliament foyer keeping vigil for Mr Lee. We saw an endless stream of Singaporeans coming in to pay respect, after queuing up for hours. Some of them were in school uniform, some of them were in their working attire, many were young Singaporeans and some of them were elderly people who were not able to walk very well, but they all wanted to say goodbye to the founding Prime Minister. They could not help but cry. Here, we saw the Singapore spirit. What can most comfort Mr Lee in heaven is that we shall stay united when there is a crisis in the future and to seek consensus when there are differences.

On the day Mr Lee passed away, many of our colleagues went to the Istana to see him for the last time. We saw on his face the usual air of pride. I told him, "Mr Lee, you are right to be proud and we are proud of you".

Mr Lee has left. Let us uphold the Singapore Spirit, stay united in front of crises and seek consensus when facing differences. We will let Mr Lee know that Singapore will continue to develop for another 50 years!

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We will always remember you, our founding Prime Minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. [Applause.]

Mr Low Thia Khiang (Aljunied): (In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was an extraordinary political leader born out of that turbulent and uncertain era.

Singapore at that time was a small island and an unnoticeable city. Economically, it relied on entreport trade; militarily, it relied on the protection from the British troops. When Singapore was forced to leave Malaysia, I do not think many would have believed that Singapore could survive on its own for long, not to mention to have imagined our achievements today.

We all know that during that period, the country was to be rebuilt from scratch and there was high unemployment rate. Our neighbours were not particularly friendly either. To survive, we must have a global vision, attract foreign investment and link up with international market. However, this could put Singapore in danger of becoming a vassal of the big countries and a pawn in the international political arena, which can be sacrificed at any time.

These internal and external challenges were a grave test for Mr Lee. With outstanding wisdom and courage, he traversed amongst the big countries and promoted Singapore's values to them and the potential benefit that Singapore can provide. He had won the respect of the leaders of these major powers. Without his efforts, our economy could not have been successful and Singapore could not have achieved its international status and possessed the political space today. For a small country, besides a strong military defence, the political space in international politics is the key to maintaining national interest and its survival.

In Singapore, fighting for independence and the continuous political struggle awakened the Singaporeans' political awareness. In the process of political movement and fighting together, consensus was forged between the people and Mr Lee, as well as a common direction and mutual trust. This is the main reason why Singapore can leap from the Third World to the First World within one generation. The success arose not just from Mr Lee's extraordinary fighting spirit and tenacity, but also from his sincerity.

However, I do not think that the political structure of PAP one-party rule is the key to Singapore's fast economic development, maintaining social cohesion and national unity. This is because many Singaporeans were sacrificed during the process of nation-building and in policy trade-offs, and our society has paid a price for it. Mr Lee is thus also a controversial

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figure in some people's eyes.

He crafted policies based on the situation then and made rational judgement in the interests of the country. However, the choice and implementation of policies should not be just rational. It should also take into consideration humanity and sensitivity. Only by doing this can we avoid hurting people and creating resentment. If accumulated over a long time, the resentment could become a potential political crisis and affect people's unity and their sense of national identity.

From my dealings with Mr Lee in Parliament, I do not think he was an autocrat who did not listen. If you have strong reasons, tight arguments and can win him over in the well thought-through policy debate, I think he will consider your views. I also know he was someone who hated empty talking because he thought time was precious and there were many more things to be done.

Singapore is a multiracial society and every race has its own language and culture. In the early years of nation-building, everyone hoped to maintain their advantages in this new country. How to manage the various conflicts of interests, unite people and build a national identity was a tremendous challenge. Countries with similar situations as we were in the early days are still facing social conflicts brought about by multiracialism and multiculturalism. Some even faced the danger of disintegration. Singapore today is united regardless of race, language or religion. This is an achievement that is not possible without Mr Lee.

My deepest respect goes to founding Prime Minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew. [Applause.]

Mr Wong Kan Seng (Bishan-Toa Payoh): Mdm Speaker, this is one of the saddest days in my life. I first met Mr Lee Kuan Yew when I was a young officer to attend a meeting with Dr Goh Keng Swee at the Istana in 1973. In 1984, I had the daunting experience of sitting before him to be interviewed by the Sec-Gen Committee to join politics. Since 1985, I have had the privilege of working with him as my Prime Minister, mentor and colleague.

Throughout his six decades of public service, the late Mr Lee had only one mission – and that was to create a better life for all Singaporeans. In one generation, Singapore was transformed. The results of Mr Lee's life-long dedication are all over Singapore. No words can truly describe or reflect his contributions and the great impact he made on the lives of millions of Singaporeans, including mine. His policies enabled me, a son of hawker parents, to become a Deputy Prime Minister. Many poor families' children have done well, too. Many in this House came from humble beginnings. Social mobility is not an abstract theory in

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Singapore.

Good leadership and governance have been crucial to Singapore's success. For Singapore to overcome adversity had not been easy. Nations with far more than we had at the point of our Independence have fallen short. Many nations, large and small, have studied the Singapore story. Singaporeans benefit from this sterling reputation when they travel, live and work overseas. In the last few days, many Singaporeans I met told me how lucky and how proud they are to carry the red passport when they travel. My foreign friends said they wished they had a "Lee Kuan Yew".

Indeed, we are blessed to have had him as our leader. Mr Lee and his team took bold, tough decisions in the interest of the country and not for themselves. The Pioneer Generation of Singaporeans understood the existential crisis they faced. They worked hard and trusted Mr Lee and his colleagues to bring them a better life. They were willing to make short-term sacrifices for long-term good. As a result, the leadership team was able to create an economic, social and political ecosystem that has made Singapore unique, successful and relevant to the world. Mr Lee imbued in Singapore the values and principles of meritocracy, multiracialism, non-corruptibility and belief in the rule of law, and built the institutions to ensure that these core values and principles are practised.

When many colonies' leaders of his time had hung on to power long after gaining independence, Mr Lee was a firm believer and practitioner in self-renewal of leadership. He did not hold power for himself. He did it for Singapore. He played a personal role in recruiting and developing the younger team of Ministers. I remember nostalgically the lunches he had with me as a new Minister in the 1980s, together with one or two of my colleagues. We could ask any question and he would share his thoughts and experience. I also learnt a lot during the many dinners at the Istana poolside hosted by Mr Lee for foreign leaders. These were occasions when great minds converged to discuss issues of the world.

Mr Lee brought the younger Ministers on his overseas trips to give them exposure to international relations. These trips offered practical lessons in diplomacy. When he was Prime Minister, I had the privilege of joining his trips across Asia, Europe and the United States. My first overseas visit with Mr Lee was to Jakarta in May 1985 when he was hosted by the late President Soeharto. In September 1985, he was hosted by the late Deng Xiaoping in Beijing. Both rolled out the red carpet for him. I experienced up-close how Mr Lee interacted with foreign leaders of countries much larger and more powerful than Singapore. They showed great respect and admiration for Mr Lee and his achievements for Singapore. They treated him as an equal and listened keenly to his analysis of world issues. They valued his insights. These meetings were an eye-opener for me. They made me feel very proud to be a Singaporean and to be able to serve under him.

Even before he stepped down as Prime Minister in 1990, Mr Lee would encourage the younger Ministers to make decisions because he felt that we would have to implement them

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and be accountable to the people. When issues of critical importance were discussed at Cabinet meetings, Mr Lee would express his views and explain his thinking, sometimes vigorously and forcefully. But at the end of the discussion, he would say, "You, the younger team, are in charge and it is your decision to make. I have given my views".

Some people think that Mr Lee brooked no dissent and was autocratic. That is wrong. While Mr Lee has strong views, he also listened. When convinced, he would change his views. Beneath the public persona of Mr Lee as a tough-minded man who suffered no fools, Mr Lee had only the interests of Singaporeans at heart. That was why he spent his whole adult life caring for Singaporeans' welfare, uplifting our well-being and protecting Singapore's interests. We are the beneficiaries of his lifelong dedication and contributions to Singapore.

At the personal level, Mr Lee was a caring man. Some years ago, a doctor diagnosed me to have a transient ischemic attack (TIA). Mr Lee learned about it and called me up on the phone. On hearing that I was attending a dinner, he nagged me to go home, as he believed that my heart was like a ticking time bomb. I might suffer a stroke if I did not go back to rest. He insisted that I seek a cardiologist's advice and he also named the doctor. I saw the doctor the following day. Dr Lee Wei Ling also recommended a neurologist friend to see me and, on the neurologist's recommendation, I saw another neurologist and it turned out that I had no TIA. I was relieved and I believe he was very relieved, too. Mdm Speaker, here I would like to say a few words in Mandarin.

(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mr Lee Kuan Yew is a great man across centuries. He often reminded us that some policies were like bitter medicine which might be hard to stomach in the short term. But as long as the purpose of the policies is to benefit the people, then we must persist. History will judge Mr Lee's achievements.

In my heart, Mr Lee had devoted all his life for Singapore and was a responsible, good Prime Minister. In the future, there will not be another great leader like him. "Cultivate oneself, manage a family, govern the country and attain world peace" – Mr Lee had achieved them all. He had devoted all his life to Singapore and left us a prosperous and harmonious home.

(In English): Mr Lee's physical health declined in recent years. But he was still mentally sharp. It pained me each time I saw him appearing in public attending to the call of duty. I would have preferred to remember him when he was much fitter physically, and not so gaunt and frail.

Today, we enjoy an international reputation as a clean, green, efficient country with a low level of corruption and a strong Government supported by the electorate for more than 50 years. Our children and grandchildren are fortunate to grow up in prosperity and stability. They did not experience the difficulties and risks their parents faced in bringing them a better

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life.

Mdm Speaker, can Singapore continue on its path of success and prosperity? It depends on whether Singaporeans can look beyond their individual self-interest and have a consensus on the kind of Singapore we want for ourselves and our children. It also depends on whether we have enough Singaporeans who care enough to come into politics to serve selflessly, just as Mr Lee and his team had done for Singapore, and whether Singaporeans will trust and support these individuals.

I sincerely hope that all Singaporeans will build on the foundations laid by our pioneer leaders and continue to make Singapore a unique, extraordinary country for the next generation. This means upholding the values of meritocracy, multiracialism and non-corruptibility – core values that Mr Lee strongly believed in and which have now become our national ethos. Let us continue to do this and stay cohesive as one people. Then, Mr Lee would not have toiled his whole life in vain for us.

Mdm Speaker, modern Singapore has lost its founding father, Mr Lee Kuan Yew. On behalf of my residents and my family, I convey our deepest condolence to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his family, as we grief with them. [Applause.]

Mdm Speaker, in Mandarin, please.

(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mdm Speaker, it is with a tremendously heavy heart that I represent the Chinese community and the Chinese business community at large to mourn the passing of our founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew is a statesman extraordinaire who made sterling and defining contributions to Singapore's nation-building and development. Being a tiny nation with no natural resources, Singapore's early years of nation-building had to depend on prudent and far-sighted policies, as well as a pragmatic, diligent work ethic. Mr Lee Kuan Yew was visionary, decisive, seizing opportunities and integrating the thinking of East and West, in developing our economy. Not only did this ensure the survival of Singapore's enterprises, but it helped to sustain the livelihood of all Singaporeans. As the founding Prime Minister, he demonstrated great fortitude and courage to make major decisions at critical junctures, enabling a tiny nation to make its presence felt in Asia, creating an economic miracle and earning respect in the international arena.

Singapore's economic prosperity is inseparably linked to Mr Lee's steely resolve; even when obstacles surfaced, he never gave up. He adhered strictly to the rule of law and a clean government against all odds, and steered Singapore towards sustainable growth through his

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far-sightedness and wisdom, and a bold, charismatic personality. Whether as Prime Minister or Minister Mentor, Mr Lee upheld the policy of equality and harmony in a multiracial, multicultural society. Mr Lee always showed utmost concern for the development of the Chinese community. He built up deep and lasting bonds of trust with the Chinese community and Chinese business community alike, always maintaining good mutual interaction.

Mr Lee Kuan Yew was an ardent believer in promoting bilingual education, and stressed that core cultural and traditional values are to be conveyed through the mother tongue. This has laid the foundations for establishing a cohesive Chinese community and Chinese business community. He encouraged the Chinese community to pursue renewal and keep pace with the times; he urged local Chinese businesses to develop close links internationally so as to integrate into the global marketplace and establish extensive avenues of collaboration.

Over these many years, Mr Lee Kuan Yew has always been the prime mover behind Singapore-China cooperation, encouraging local enterprises to invest in China and neighbouring countries and to build an external wing for Singapore's economy. In order to embrace the opportunities arising from China's economic development, Mr Lee Kuan Yew mooted the setting up of Business China, harnessing the strengths of the public and private sectors and the community at large, grooming bilingual and bi-cultural talent and promoting mutual economic and cultural networking between Singapore and China.

The most valuable legacy that Mr Lee Kuan Yew has left behind is the nation, system and political ideology that he forged together with his comrades. Although Mr Lee Kuan Yew has already left us, his sterling achievements will endure forever, his beliefs and distinctive style will be forever etched in people's memories, and his spirit will always guide us to move forward with perseverance! Mr Lee, we will always remember you! [Applause.]

The Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs and Home Affairs (Mr Masagos Zulkifli B M M): (In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] "These are all Lee Kuan Yew's children". That was the nickname given in jest by Pak Ngah, when we visited him in Kota Tinggi, whenever his friends asked who we are. At that time, Singapore had recently separated from Malaysia, and my uncle may be unconvinced that we will be looked after properly in a country with a Chinese majority.

Before he passed away, I had the opportunity to meet him again. My uncle still teased us as "Lee Kuan Yew's children" among his friends. However, this time, he added that he was proud and full of admiration, because we were able to become professionals and could compete with the other races in the Lion City.

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Similarly, that is how the global community views our achievements in Singapore. The attitude of doubt and concern, whereby some even looked down at us when we separated from Malaysia, has transformed into admiration and respect. In any country, whenever we flash our passports, we feel respected because we are Singaporeans.

The blessings that we now enjoy in our lives would not have been possible without the vision, passion and determination of Mr Lee. He built a developed nation and he wanted to provide for the well-being of Singaporeans, despite our country's lack of natural resources, and at that time, many Singaporeans were unemployed. In addition, racial conflicts flared up easily during that period. The whole nation was tense.

Without a doubt, I would say that Mr Lee established an administration that is transparent, eradicated corruption and crime. Singapore gained the confidence of international investors who came here to work and to do business.

Nonetheless, for me, Mr Lee's most outstanding policy is his unique social compact. After his failure in advocating a "Malaysia for Malaysians", Mr Lee was determined to create a Singapore for all citizens, regardless of race, language or religion. Everyone would have a space to cultivate their respective languages, cultures and religions, but at the same time, they were persuaded to accept the Government's policy of expanding the common space, so that they can mingle in housing estates, in schools and at the workplace. Ghetto areas disappeared.

Slowly but surely, a multiracial society living together peacefully became embedded in the DNA of Singaporeans, as mentioned by Prof S Jayakumar, whereas Deputy Prime Minister Teo is thankful that Singapore prospers because all of its leaders are responsible and understand that harmony exists not because all the races got what they demanded, but harmony exists because everybody was willing to make sacrifices that are, at times, painful, so that we can all prosper together.

As a result, places of worship like the mosques, churches and temples can exist side by side. The people take turns to celebrate one another's festivals by having open houses for their friends. Friends become closer because they share the same interests and not because they speak the same language.

It was Mr Lee who supported the creation of the Mosque Building Fund, which helped build many mosques that are magnificent and thriving. However, no matter how much funds are collected, it will be in vain if the foundations of harmony are weak and are not upheld by all. Otherwise, mosques that will be built will face protests and those that have been built, will be burned down. The proof is everywhere. A harmonious multiracial society is his most precious legacy that became the foundation for all our success while protecting the

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minorities.

If a harmonious society enables the minority Muslim community to practise their faith peacefully, Mr Lee's meritocracy system became the benchmark in education or employment matters for all.

The Malay community in Singapore should be proud because they managed to prove to the world that their excellence in education and employment did not happen because there was special treatment for minorities. We managed to achieve success by competing in a world-class education system. A substantial amount of funds was provided to help Malays achieve success in education. We were successful in our careers based on our performance. The Malay community's self-esteem was intact and our success is respected by the other races.

When I accompanied him to Malaysia, he told off a leader who spread lies about the condition of Malays in Singapore. He issued a challenge for the Berita Harian paper to be distributed there so that everyone can read about how well Singapore Muslims can practise their faith and so many of their children became engineers, scientists and doctors. I was so proud to sit beside him that day. Clearly, he was proud of our achievements.

Therefore, it comes as no surprise that the global community and world leaders whom I met, like Mr Tony Blair and the Grand Mufti of Egypt Sheikh Shawki Allam, expressed admiration towards the interracial harmony that is evident in Singapore. In fact, they were enthusiastic about the confidence among Malay/Muslims, who not only perform prayers diligently in the mosques that they built themselves, but they were also able to integrate easily as Singaporeans who are able to live successfully in a meritocracy without any favouritism. This is the unique Singapore Malay/Muslim identity that he built.

My heart is heavy because Singapore lost a leader. He gained global recognition for our island-state. We, the children of LKY, lost a father who built up all the communities. Without him, we may not even have thought of MENDAKI or the MBF. May the future generations honour Mr Lee's contributions and build on the legacy that he left behind. Beware of actions and instigations that can split us up, especially political games that make use of language, race and religion. This eulogy to the family of the late Mr Lee comes from us and fellow Singaporeans. Thank you, Mr Lee, for leaving behind a harmonious nation and an identity for us. [Applause.]

Mr Vikram Nair (Sembawang): (In Tamil): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] I wish to express my deepest condolences to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew's family. I deliver this speech

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with great sorrow.

When I was born in 1978, Mr Lee was the Prime Minister. In fact, Mr Lee was the Prime Minister from the time of our Independence. His achievements are immeasurable.

Many other colonies also gained independence at about the same time that Singapore had gained its Independence. Those countries had larger populations, larger land mass and more natural resources than Singapore. However, unlike many of these countries, under Mr Lee's leadership, Singapore saw outstanding development. Now, we are one of the wealthiest countries in the world. Our per capita income and GDP are larger than most other countries. The main reason for this is Mr Lee's policies.

Under Mr Lee's rule, Singapore had phenomenal growth. When he took over, the people were poor, had low levels of education and the unemployment rate was high. Mr Lee's government systematically improved people's lives. His government built large numbers of HDB flats to house the people. These flats provided modern housing, with water and electricity, directly to people who were coming from the kampongs.

He made education affordable and almost free to all Singaporeans and provided adequate schools for all. As a result, Singaporeans have joined the ranks of the best educated people in the world. More importantly, he created a dynamic environment for economic development. As a result, our people who were well educated had well-paying jobs.

Mr Lee's values were clear. He believed in an honest and clean government. He firmly believed that everyone should be given equal opportunities. He was also firm in ensuring that no discrimination should be shown to anyone on account of differences of race, language and religion. Indeed, this was especially important for the minority races.

Even though the Indians only form 10 percent of the population, the Tamil language remains as one of the official languages. Mr Lee, under his multiracial and multilingual policy, made a provision in the Constitution to include it as one of the official languages.

Many world leaders have lauded Mr Lee. They include people, such as Margaret Thatcher, Tony Blair, George HW Bush, Bill Clinton, Helmut Schmidt and Henry Kissinger. They praised him for his vision, tenacity and his contribution to the rapid development of Singapore.

It is, indeed, our fortune that Mr Lee has been Singapore's leader. It is the duty of the present generation to take his work forward for the well-being of Singaporeans.

The Singapore Tamil Writers Association commemorated Mr Lee's 90th birthday with 90 Tamil poems. I wish to end my speech by quoting few lines from one of the poems, written

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by the Chairman of the Association, Mr Naa Aandeappan, contained in the book "A Tribute to the Great Man Lee Kuan Yew 90":

"You treated everybody equally

Made Tamil one of the four official languages

Like a mother caring her child

Who would do such a thing?

You condemned political violence

Hated empty slogans

We celebrate you as an epic hero and rejoice

May you long live forever and ever."

I am sure he will live in all our memories forever. [Applause.]

Madam, in Mandarin.

(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] I wish to pay tribute to Founding Prime Minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew in two particular aspects – his contributions to women's advancement and to bilingualism.

Mr Lee has never described himself as a feminist and yet his policies had made an immense difference to women. Mr Lee had always valued education, ensuring that a good part of the national budget went towards education even when our country's resources were meagre. This has helped many women get educated and get jobs. We now see successful women in many fields.

The Women's Charter has given women in Singapore the right to property and to be treated fairly. Women can walk on our streets without fearing for our personal safety, enjoying a degree of freedom yet to be fully realised in many other countries.

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Mr Lee's loving and lasting union with Mrs Lee has set an excellent example for many families.

But more importantly, Mr Lee's basic attitude towards women was one of respect, and set the tone for gender equality in society. He believed that traditional notions of male dominance and men refusing to marry their equals were outdated, and must change with the times. Without Mr Lee, the women of Singapore would not have enjoyed so many gains in so short a time.

Bilingualism could well be Mr Lee's boldest and most radical policy. It could also be his most controversial. Debates have taken place many times on this topic within and outside of this House. We can expect such debates to continue into the future.

Mr Lee had realised in the early days of nation-building that, if different groups of Singaporeans were to continue using different languages, then our already limited shared space would be fragmented into separate little worlds. To unite all races and to expand the common space and to connect with the wider world, Mr Lee decided on English as our working language. But, to preserve our cultural ballast, Mr Lee also maintained that each ethnic group must study its mother tongue. Mr Lee was also of the view that ethnic Chinese Singaporeans should speak less dialect and more Mandarin.

This was a tall order for a young nation with a complex linguistic environment. It was already hard for someone to learn a language that he does not speak at home. But for someone to make a significant adjustment, even a complete change in his daily language use, was even harder. For those who saw language as a core part of their identity, it was downright painful.

Yet, for a young nation with a complex linguistic environment which yearned for peace and unity, these changes were necessary. Mr Lee's view was a rational one: better short-term pain than long-term agony. In every ethnic group, there were people who found it hard to adjust to the language policies he implemented and who still feel aggrieved even to this day. But bilingualism undoubtedly widened our common space and laid the foundation for harmonious communication between all races. I have come across many Singaporeans of different ethnic groups of my age or younger, who have told me that they appreciate the bilingual education policy for giving them the tools to function effectively and comfortably in both Asian and Western settings.

While the policy might have been a rational one, Mr Lee was, at heart, a leader who cared. It is clear from the way he devoted much personal attention to bilingualism, over a large part of his life. He tracked our students' performance and constantly sought inputs from experts and researchers. In 1975, he spent four months helming the Education Ministry himself in order to ensure adjustments to the bilingualism policy were duly implemented.

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He created the Prime Minister's Book Prize to encourage students who did well in both English and their mother tongue language. In his later years, he started the Lee Kuan Yew Fund for Bilingualism to help young children build a foundation for learning English and the mother tongue languages. His life's work in this area was encapsulated in his book, "My Lifelong Challenge: Singapore's Bilingual Journey".

Mr Lee had stated that of all the combinations of English and the mother tongue, English/Mandarin was the most difficult combination. He walked the talk; he worked hard at learning Mandarin and never gave up on his lessons.

This morning, The Straits Times quoted a 49-year-old businessman who came to pay respects to Mr Lee. He said that he was from a Chinese school and used to feel very disadvantaged after Mr Lee introduced the bilingual policy. But now, as a businessman, knowing English has helped him to expand his semiconductor business overseas, in countries like the United States. The bilingual policy has changed his life. If Mr Lee could hear this, I believe he would feel comforted.

Mr Lee has brought us on a long journey towards excellence. We will soldier on, even after he has left us.

(In English): Madam, Mr Lee's language policy stands among the iconic legacies he has created for Singaporeans. It has left a deep impact on many, especially educators and language professionals. This includes the men and women who are sitting in our interpreters' booths who ensure that what transpires in this House can be understood in the four official languages. He has led us on the road to bilingualism, in pursuit of unity as one people, the preservation of our cultural ballast and ease of interaction with the world at large. It is a long journey which we will continue long after he has left us. [Applause.]

Mdm Speaker, I speak in honour of a man whom I had never met. Yet, I knew him, from my earliest memories and for a long time, as my Prime Minister. I never met him, never spoke with him, not even when he came to Parliamentary sittings. I never met him, but he did much for me, for my family, for my country. He was an icon to me during my growing up years. Even as a child, I respected him greatly. But, when I grew into a young adult, I became critical of some of his views and policies.

Who was this man? I will never know. Some say that he was ruthless. But he said he was accountable for the lives of a few million people. He said it was about his life and our lives.

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Some say he was ambitious for himself. But he assumed leadership over what, given the circumstances at that time, could have been a catastrophic failure, dooming his name in history – forever.

Some say he was arrogant. It would, indeed, be an unusual human being who is not. On the other hand, I recall he said this of the late Dr Goh Keng Swee, "Of all my Cabinet colleagues, it was Goh Keng Swee who made the greatest difference to the outcome for Singapore… When he held a contrary view, he would challenge my decisions and make me re-examine the premises on which they were made. As a result, we reached better decisions for Singapore."

He said he was not concerned or obsessed with opinion polls or popularity. Again, some say he was arrogant. But he said he thought a leader who is thus obsessed or concerned is a weak leader. It is a hard lesson for me.

Some say that he was ruthless, unforgiving, unrelenting. But children of his political foes had rights and opportunities like any other children. They were able to enter professions, able to become lawyers, doctors, public servants. Because, this is Singapore.

Did he do well for Singapore? Look around us. We can say what we will, history shall be the judge. History will judge those who act and history will judge those who only speak. As for me, I am convinced that if I were born in Singapore in an earlier era, or if I were born in a similar era, but in another Asian country, being a girl with a disability coming from a poor family with no connections, I would not have been able to go to school, enter a profession and serve the community today. But I was born in Singapore, in this era.

Shortly after he had taken office, he said he had the lives of a few million people to account for. He said Singapore would survive. By any measure, Singapore has more than survived. Today, we are a reckoned player in the international scene. Today, our lives have improved, and Singaporeans have a strong foundation upon which to work hard to make life better for ourselves and our children.

My parents taught me that when I take a drink of water, I must remember its source. 饮水思源.

Son of Singapore. Father of Singapore. Pardon my inability to craft a tribute worthy of you. Words fail me. And today, all that I can say to you, my first Prime Minister, is what I never had the opportunity to tell you in person: Thank you, Mr Lee.

My father pays tribute to Mr Lee thus: 建国之道 光耀承传，建国之路 人民承担.

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He has completed his sojourn with us. But his journey, and the journey that he and our forefathers began, has not ended. That journey will continue. This is our Singapore. And we will build it, and we will protect it. So be it. [Applause.]

Mr Lee Kuan Yew believed that no one race, whether a majority or not, should pin down another, but that all races should work together to bring about a united future. Therefore, Singaporeans of all races, including Eurasians, salute you, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, for your beliefs which you toiled for at great personal expense, risking your life. Your toil helped to unleash our potential as a nation.

The Singaporean Eurasian community is one of the smallest racial communities in Singapore. Yet, through Mr Lee's bold vision that Singapore should strive towards multiracialism, Singaporean Eurasians have found our way in our nation, taking opportunities presented to them on merit. Regardless of race, language or religion – it is a conviction Mr Lee held dear and one which all Singaporeans are assured of. That conviction of Mr Lee's was and continues to be of immense significance, of immense assurance to all races, especially the ethnic minorities, including the Eurasians. We have the space to practise our religious beliefs and our culture. We stand united, shoulder to shoulder, with all other races in Singapore.

Mr Lee's belief of a Malaysian Malaysia which led to the belief of a Singaporean Singapore – not a Malay, Chinese, Indian or Eurasian Singapore – has allowed each racial community, whether a majority or a minority, or a small minority to strive towards the ideal of multiracialism, thereby unleashing potential of that other ideal, that of being one united people. For this, Singaporeans of all races are indebted to you, Mr Lee.

On a personal note, Mr Lee Kuan Yew knew that I was the youngest Member of Parliament in the 2006 batch. Although many do not know this, but he would encourage me whenever the opportunity arose and reminded me that what we do as Members of Parliament is worthwhile and lasting, even though it is tough when we stick to our convictions.

I had the opportunity to travel with Mr Lee Kuan Yew and Mrs Lee to Indonesia and to India on official visits there. In between the official meetings and the official calls, when it was just the Singapore delegation, he would ask over dinner, or in the corridors of the hotel, or in his hotel room, "Are you learning? What have you learnt?"

He was a mentor and he encouraged. Thank you, Mr Lee, for your personal encouragement. Thank you, Sir, for laying down the foundations of the Singapore we have

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today. It is a deep privilege to pay this tribute to a great man. [Applause.]

Mdm Speaker, Mr Lee first entered this Parliament, or its earlier iteration the Legislatve Assembly, in 1955 as the Member for Tanjong Pagar, a seat he held for 60 years, an unsurpassed record.

I once asked him why he chose Tanjong Pagar. He said it was because the people there were very poor, the conditions bad and the place much in need of improvement. I did not fully appreciate what he meant until I read his memoirs.

He described the Tanjong Pagar of 1955 as docklands crowded with dock workers, trishaw riders, shopkeepers and opium dens. Workers' quarters were wooden dwellings with no sewerage or drainage. He recalled scenes of filth and dilapidation among broken-down shophouses in or around Narcis Street, where Tanjong Pagar Plaza stands today. Drains clogged with rubbish stank with decaying food.

He vowed to change this. He promised Singaporeans a better life. They believed him and voted him in.

This allowed him to enter Parliament in 1955 and eventually go on to become our First Prime Minister.

Tanjong Pagar and Singapore today are a far cry from what he described. Both have been completely transformed through his vision and his efforts. He kept his promise to the people of Singapore and the bond was cemented.

Let me say something about sacrifices. What we were called upon to do was to sacrifice the things which would have held us back. It was not people who were sacrificed, but the things which would have made us a lesser people, a lesser country, than we are today. He called upon us to make sacrifices in accordance with some very basic principles – humanity, integrity, thrift, welfare of the people. The things we had to give up were laziness, corruption, division, hatred of other races. The things we had to give up were things like lack of security, lack of housing. We were called to make sacrifices so that we could put these things together. The other kind of sacrifice we were asked to make was to set aside divisions and animosity in the interest of national unity.

And who made the biggest sacrifice of all? In an interview, Mr Lee Kuan Yew was once asked, at the end of the day, what he had achieved. His response was: "At the end of the day, what have I got? A successful Singapore. What have I given up? My life."

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The biggest sacrifice of all was made by Mr Lee Kuan Yew. Because of that, because he was a strong leader and led a strong party, everyone benefited. And Singapore is what it is today. If you compare us with any other newly independent country, our people have more opportunities in Singapore.

And let us see the response of Singaporeans. In the last week, we saw a tremendous outpouring of love for Mr Lee. Thousands – young, old, rich, poor, from all races, religions and all walks of life – came. First, to wish him well, and then, to say goodbye.

I have been at Tanjong Pagar Community Centre every day, the last five days. You have also seen the queues that have snaked around Parliament House. You have to be there among the people to understand. People were in tears. If you ask them, if you speak to them, all of them, to the last person, will tell you this one thing. They will say that the reason they are there, either at the CC or standing in queue, is because this is the one thing, the last thing they can do, to say "Thank You" and to show respect.

What is the essence of the man that inspires such an overwhelming reaction? Some might say it was his vision, his drive, his intellect. But these alone would not have been enough to generate this wellspring of emotion.

The real secret of Mr Lee Kuan Yew's enduring bond with Singaporeans is that we all fundamentally understood that that vision, the drive and the intellect were all powered by one thing – he cared. He cared deeply for Singaporeans and Singapore, and all his actions were driven by a desire to make things better for them. Singapore was his life's work. And people know this.

So, just as he was there for us on that amazing journey from third world to first, Singaporeans have been here for him in the last days of his life, and now, for his final journey. One well-wisher at Tanjong Pagar wrote:

"Dear Mr Lee,

We cannot thank you enough for all that you've done for us and the land we call home, let alone the sacrifices you made behind the scenes that all of us will perhaps only learn of in the long future or maybe even never. And in this simple card I know that I will fail to express my heartfelt gratitude and emotions to you as well. I can't quite put into words the feelings I hold."

Sometimes, the lack of words says it all.

History judges men by their legacies. And what is Mr Lee's legacy? It is not in buildings or monuments. His is not a legacy of brick or stone. His is a legacy of life and breath: a place

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where you can belong, irrespective of the colour of your skin, your religion or your language; a place where you can be safe; a place of opportunity; a place we call home.

His legacy is: a people united; a people with heart; a nation strong and free.

This is who we are today because of this man, his vision and his leadership and, above all, his unquenchable, unconquerable spirit from which we took heart and which now defines us as a people and a nation – the spirit of Singapore.

His journey has ended. He is now at rest.

Rest in peace, Mr Lee. And know that because of your legacy, Singapore and the Singapore spirit will live on and prosper. [Applause.]

Leader of the House.

Mdm Speaker, I want to thank you for presiding over this special session to pay tribute to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew. I want to thank the various Members of this House for being here. Mdm Speaker, I would like, on our behalf, to acknowledge the presence of Mr Lee Kuan Yew's family members – our Prime Minister, Mdm Ho Ching, his other children, Lee Hsien Yang and Dr Lee Wei Ling, his siblings and his extended family.

Mdm Speaker, we want to acknowledge their presence as well as to send our deepest condolences to the family of Mr Lee Kuan Yew. We would also like to tell you – from all the speeches that you have heard – that Mr Lee Kuan Yew made an enormous contribution as the founding father of our nation. We want to thank you for sharing him with us and express again our deepest condolences.

As a mark of respect to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew, I propose that the House observe a one-minute silence. Will Members please rise?

The House rose and observed a one-minute silence.

We have now come to the end of the proceedings for today. In accordance with the Standing Orders, Parliament now stands adjourned. Order, order.

Adjourned accordingly at 5.50 pm

to a date to be fixed.

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