Committee of Supply – Head N (Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

[Deputy Speaker (Mr Seah Kian Peng) in the Chair]

Can MFA provide an update on Singapore's cooperation with Indonesia on the transboundary haze pollution issue as well as ASEAN's efforts to tackle it? I understand the Indonesia is close to ratifying the agreement. I would like to know if MFA has any further update on that.

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As for the state of relationship with other Southeast Asian neighbours, apart from Indonesia and Malaysia, what is our current relationship with Thailand, especially with the current political turmoil that is going on? And how does the current domestic situation in Thailand affect our bilateral relationship?

ASEAN nations have pledged to work towards a more united and harmonious ASEAN in the ASEAN Vision 2020 as well as the Cha-am Hua Hin Declaration on the roadmap of ASEAN Community 2015. The need to continue making progress on the implementation of the three Community Blueprints and the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity was emphasised. What progress has been made and how far have we advanced, in terms of realising ASEAN 2015 plan? Can MFA give an update on ASEAN 2015 plan as it is only next year and also ASEAN 2020 Vision? Are we on target for the stated goals in the plan and the vision? What are the challenges confronting ASEAN to achieving them?

What is Singapore's focus on ASEAN as we progress towards the 2015 Community goals, and how will this Community help our economy to grow? In what way does the existing regional architecture enable us to engage the major powers leveraging on ASEAN? What are ASEAN's plans after it has achieved its 2015 Community goals?

Singapore cannot escape the vulnerabilities of being a small state – it is often subject to pressure by bigger countries. But as it has proved since independence, it can stand up for its own interests. It has established a record of firmly setting and following its own agenda. It has pursued a rational and consistent approach in foreign relations.

This has been tested many times, including recently. One was Indonesia's naming of its warship KRI Usman Harun, which showed its complete insensitivity to our feelings. It is important that we continue to stand firm on this issue.

With Indonesia, there is also the recurrent issue of transboundary haze pollution. We need to work with Indonesia to resolve this haze problem.

A constant challenge is how Singapore can strike a balance between working with our neighbouring countries to form areas of common interest as well as standing up for our rights especially when we feel we are being pressured. And this challenge extends to Malaysia. The Malaysian media recently reported that Johor wants to review the price of raw water sold to Singapore. But I thought the issue has long been settled with the water

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agreement. What are the implications of this move?

We can expect such pressures from time to time, but thankfully with our own sources of water, it no longer gives unnecessary hostages to fortune. But we must stand firm.

The most important challenge of the future is the rise of new centres of power, particularly China. This geopolitical shift will have major repercussions on relations between the big powers and their allies and also with our neighbouring countries. And small states like Singapore are not immune to the pressures.

At this historic juncture, Singapore has to stay nimble and seek to bring to bear its soft-power resources to influence the course of events, through regional cooperation and dialogue for peace and stability in this region. Its soft power draws mainly from its economic strength and its ability to find ways to add value and be useful and relevant to the world.

It is crucial for MFA to have resources to flex its muscles in support of its ideas and to have a top-notch professional diplomatic corps at its bidding.

I would like to ask the Minister for an assessment of our relations with our neighbours and of key geopolitical developments, how our foreign policies have evolved in response and how we are building the capacity of our Foreign Service to pursue Singapore's long-term interest in an increasingly complex and dynamic environment.

The poet Robert Frost in his 1914 poem Mending Walls uttered the immortal lines:

"I let my neighbor know beyond the hill;

And on a day we will walk the line together;

And to each the boulders that have fallen to each."

The poem quotes an oft repeated adage that "good fences make good neighbours". Over the last few years, we have built good relations with many

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of our neighbours and mending our fences, especially with our northern neighbour. Relations have improved and the personal connection between Prime Minister Lee and Prime Minister Razak has perhaps played a significant role as well.

It is perhaps opportune at this point for us to take stock of where we are in our relationship with Malaysia and the rest of our ASEAN neighbours. What has gone right for us? What should we continue to maintain? But as the narrator also said, "I built a wall but I wish to ask."

Are we simply mending a cosmetic fence? From conversations with many, there is a sense of foreboding in our relations with many of our neighbours. For Malaysia, for example, investments in Iskandar, overstretching ourselves in terms of our overall investments and, of course, the recent talk of the rising water prices. What safeguards do we have to ensure that we continue to have good relations with all our neighbours and that our relationship continues to grow warmer and not hotter?

Being a small state, Singapore can be affected by developments in the region and among our close neighbours. Indonesia will be having the general election as well as Presidential election soon, and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would be stepping down this year, as required by the Constitution. Of late, we have observed strong Indonesian nationalistic sentiments that have shaped incidents on various fronts, one of which is the naming of a navy vessel.

Just like Dr Lim Wee Kiak, I would also like to ask if we expect the outcomes of the 2014 Indonesian elections to affect our bilateral relations with Indonesia. In addition, with the current dry spell, there are concerns that haze would be back with a vengeance. While the proposed Transboundary Haze Pollution Bill is a welcomed move, can the Ministry provide an update on Singapore's cooperation with Indonesia on this?

ASEAN was founded in 1967 and we were one of the founding members then. It has since grown to include a regional grouping of 10-member countries, including Brunei, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.

Vietnam, Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos have a combined population of more than 170 million people. This represents a big market where our businesses have keen interests to access. Many businesses have also voiced

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their intentions to regionalise and export their knowledge and know-how to these countries. They feel that the young populations, energetic attitudes and growing middle class offer good business opportunities. The basis for economic cooperation is always good diplomatic relations. Would the Minister give an update on Singapore's efforts to augment our diplomatic relations with these countries, and if there are areas in security and defence for mutual cooperation?

Thailand is a founding member of ASEAN. Our two countries have extensive government-to-government, business-to-business and people-to-people links. Thailand remains a favoured tourism destination for many Singaporeans. However, there are some challenges facing Thailand's domestic political situation. How would Thailand's domestic situation impact on our bilateral relations?

In introducing the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), it is written that it shall be the goal of regional economic integration for ASEAN by 2015. AEC envisages a single market and production base, a highly competitive economic region, a region of equitable economic development and a region fully integrated into the global economy.

When I was in university, my international relations professor once referred to international affairs jargon as "broad enough to be generally acceptable but deep enough to be utterly unintelligible."

Perhaps that be true of the vision for AEC2015 as well. We are now just a year away from 2015. The region is still facing its fair share of political turmoil, so therefore how engaged are we in this process and what is the reality of achieving the aims of AEC2015 and its goals?

Perhaps, more importantly, from the example of the EU's integration and the troubles of recent bailouts for the EU region, what are the true benefits for our own economy and are there any sacrifices that we may have to make?

ASEAN continues to feature broadly in the world economy as a competitive region to do business in. The markets of many ASEAN members continue to boom and rightly so. But the problems of integration are manifold, how much more the plethora of issues for us to achieve economic integration. Therefore, can we continue to hold together ASEAN for the long term and do we have

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ASEAN 2015 in sight?

Mr Chairman, ASEAN's 2015 Community Goal is an ambitious one spanning diverse realms such as ASEAN GDP, ASEAN living conditions, ASEAN as favourite Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) destination and ASEAN trade in goods and services. Good progress has been made in these realms although economic recovery worldwide is slow.

As we approach 2015, what is Singapore's focus going to be and how will the ASEAN Community help our economy to grow, particularly when growth is expected to be slow compared with the past few years? In what way does the existing regional architecture enable us to engage the major powers who wield considerable economic power and political influence on the region's affairs?

The world views ASEAN as having done well. In a world of lacklustre economic growth, especially in EU, growth in ASEAN countries has been the envy of people in the West. ASEAN citizens are growing more affluent despite large income gaps between the haves and the have-nots, more educated and widely travelled. There is a great deal of Foreign Direct Investment and, on the whole, people in ASEAN are young, energetic and hungry for growth. That good progress has been made in achieving ASEAN's 2015 Community Goal is clear. We should now focus on whether ASEAN has plans beyond 2015. What are the implications of these plans for Singapore?

On regional developments, China's rapid economic and military growth have been assessed to be a challenge to America's undisputed leadership in the post-war. The rising tensions between these two nations have been manifested not just in the increased frequency of military exercises in the region reported by the media but also by their respective allies' responses as both nations' top ranking officials go around the world to gain support for their respective stands. Singapore has been consistent in its stand that we want to be friends with all countries and that we respect every nation's right to determine its own fate. It is necessary that we remain alert to changes in our external environment in order not to be taken by surprise when adverse changes occur.

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What is MFA's assessment of the current state of affairs? Is war likely as commentators rush to offer their views on this worrying prospect? How will ASEAN be affected?

Mr Chairman, tension has been mounting in the Northeast region as China and Japan who have long historical disputes over the Diaoyu islands have since made move to give up their military forces there. Japan's Prime Minister's visit to Yasukuni Shrine last December sparked outrage in both China and Korea. Things have not improved since. This festering tension and ongoing bitter exchanges are unsettling for the region and show no sign of abating. It may take on a sustained cycle of tension. The trilateral relationship between China, Japan and South Korea is currently at a low point.

The recent developments in North Korea and the latter show of force by test firing four ballistic missiles are again raising tension in the Peninsula. What is MFA's assessment of the political risk in Northeast Asia this year, given the recent escalation of tensions between the Northeast Asian countries?

For many years, although competing claims in various parts of the South China Sea have existed, they were peaceful. Recent developments, however, are indicating an escalation of tensions.

The latest incident involved the Chinese Navy being accused of firing water cannons at Philippine fishermen to enforce China's fishing ban. Chinese media has also reported that the Chinese Navy sailed to James Shoal and conducted an oath taking ceremony vowing to safeguard China's sovereignty and maritime interests.

There are also other states making a claim for parts of South China Sea and they include Malaysia, Brunei and Vietnam.

We need the sea lanes to be free of conflict for trade to flow. Any conflict in the South China Sea is of little advantage to us. Notwithstanding our size, what is Singapore's position on the South China Sea even though we are not a claimant state? Secondly, what can be done to address these issues?

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Thank you, Chairman. Singapore has been granted permanent observer status in the Arctic Council which gives countries the right to listen in all meetings and propose and finance policies. The Arctic region is gaining clout as global warming opens up new trade routes and intensifies competition for oil and gas estimated at 15% and 30% respectively of undiscovered reserves. What steps is Singapore taking to advance our interest in this northern region, such as freedom of navigation and the opening of new routes that may have implications for Singapore as a seaport?

Mr Lee Kuan Yew once said in 2009 that "Small countries have little power to alter the region, let alone the world. But a small country must seek a maximum number of friends, while maintaining the freedom to be itself as a sovereign and independent nation."

Through our short 50 years of history, the one thing that has stood out most often is our size and our size. Why two sizes you may ask? Well, we are after all a small nation, our geographical spread of just over 700 square kilometres equates to less than half of Delhi. But our size and our influence internationally is disproportionate to our physical size.

Our turbulent beginnings have perhaps shaped our psyche and we have made it a point to practise good diplomacy to maintain good relations with as many of our neighbours as possible. While the focus of many during this COS has been on big power relations in the early part of other parliamentary colleagues' speeches, Singapore's standing in the world has also been because of our relations with other key partners further afield.

In just 10 years, our trade with Japan, Korea and the EU has grown tremendously. For example, with the EU, it rose over the last 10 years from $18.02 billion to $45.64 billion in terms of exports alone. While trade alone cannot underscore the importance of bilateral relations, it is certainly a key

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cornerstone.

The economist Jim O'Neill has in the recent decade coined the terms BRICS and MINT, referring to the emerging economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, as well as the new growth economies of Mexico, Indonesia, Nigeria and Turkey. We, too, have had long years of relationships with many of these countries. How do we plan to capitalise on these ties and to further strengthen our bilateral relations with these economies who may well be key partners for the future?

Of course, diplomacy is not without its pitfalls and the diplomacy of small states is often buffeted by the changing tides of big power dynamics. Recent tensions between Russia and EU over Ukraine are a case in point. Amidst a world of fast changing international relations, are we, as a small nation, prepared to catch those sails at the right moment and not be swept away?

Therefore, our membership of key international fora, such as the United Nations and Arctic Council, are important ones. Of growing interest as well are our relations with the Middle East, Africa and Latin America. As mentioned earlier, some of the states in these regions will have the potential to play key roles in the future. Yet again, the unstable geopolitical climate of these regions does not make it easy for us. Therefore, how do we ensure that our interests are best represented in these regions as well?

I hope that as the world continues to evolve politically and diplomatically, Singapore is well placed to continue to play a role well above our physical limitations.

Sir, international development is a form of foreign aid that seeks to improve the lives of people in developing countries, while at the same time furthering a country's foreign policy goals. It does not traditionally play a very visible role in our foreign relation strategies, apart from technical assistance programmes that we provide to developing countries. This is unlike most developed countries that have dedicated international development agencies and, sometimes, even a Cabinet Minister-in-charge.

In 2013, Singapore contributed $26.7 million in Overseas Development Assistance (ODA), which includes technical assistance programmes,

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scholarships and tuition grants to foreign students. Can the Minister share what other forms of ODA Singapore contributes to which are not captured in this amount?

Many developed countries in the United Nations have committed to a target ODA contribution of 0.7% of gross national income. What is Singapore's ODA as a percentage of GNI? While I do not expect Singapore to target 0.7%, are there plans to increase our ODA in the future? Does the Government see international development as a cost-effective way of furthering our foreign policy goals? Given the multifaceted nature of international relations today, what is the role the Government sees international development playing in the years ahead?

A diplomat once shared during a recent conversation that consular officers are sometimes unfairly described as foreign service officers without the glamour. Yet, the work that our consular officers perform on the ground is equally important as that our foreign service officers perform in safeguarding our diplomatic relations.

The rising demand for global travel has made consular services even more taxed. With Singaporeans journeying to far-flung exotic locales, the need for help can sometimes come from the most surprising places and for the most unexpected reasons.

What are some of the challenges that we continue to face in this area and do we have sufficient manpower to cater to this growing need? Do we also have plans for a greater presence in other countries in the setting up of new consulates and embassies perhaps?

More importantly is that I ask if our officers in the Ministry are adequately compensated for their important work. Beyond remuneration, I do hope that the morale of our officers continue to remain high and that we are retaining good officers for the long term.

Mr Deputy Speaker, I thank the hon Members for their comments. The task for MFA is to chart a course in an uncertain world: a course that best protects our country, our economy and advances our people's interests. How do we do it?

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First, build and maintain a strong international network of friends; and actively participate in international organisations which are relevant to us; support key regional organisations and platforms, like ASEAN, EAS and so on; and maintain strong relationships with our neighbours to the extent possible.

I say that because it depends on principles of mutual respect for each other's sovereignty and interests.

These principles have to be applied in the real world – a world in a state of dynamic flux, where geopolitical relationships change. Often, they change quickly.

As we speak, yet another new crisis has been added to the international problems already facing all of us. What is happening in the Ukraine impacts on all of us at several levels. There is a potential impact on the World Economy and therefore our economy as well. Other countries will see what patterns of behaviour are possible. This is a situation of a standoff now between a big country and a small country.

It offers several lessons for Singapore in real politics, international law and international relations.

Russian troops are in control of parts of Ukraine. The United Nations Security Council has been debating the issue for days. Russia and the P3 have been making points against each other. The P3 point out that moving troops into another country is in gross violation of international law, and that Russia has breached a 1994 MOU that it had signed. I will refer to this MOU later.

Russia responds by saying that the lawfully elected President of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, was overthrown by a coup; and Yanukovych has invited them into Ukraine to help. Russia wants to protect Russians in Ukraine; and Russia refers to American actions in Grenada in 1983.

Will the Security Council take meaningful action beyond being a debating forum? Unlikely, given the vetoes that the P5 have, and Russia is one of the P5. So, what will happen hereafter?

One has to assess Russian interests in Crimea. Since the 18th Century when Russia annexed Crimea, Russia has always considered its interests in Crimea to be vital. Russian actions against the Ottoman Empire, in pursuance of these

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interests, led to the Crimean War over 150 years ago.

Britain and France decided to confront Russia then, through military action. Russia lost that war. If one had stepped back and considered the matter, as Ukraine was going through its protests in the last several weeks, it would have been fairly obvious that there was a significant risk of Russia moving to protect what it will consider to be its vital interest.

We do not know what was or was not considered by the different parties. And we do not know what the P3 and EU plan to do next. What is obvious now is that it is, unfortunately, Ukraine and its people who have to face the consequences of all that has happened.

Singapore's stand: we strongly object to any unprovoked invasion of a sovereign country under any pretext or excuse. Russian troops should not be in Ukraine in breach of international law. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine must be respected. International law must be respected. There can be no qualifications to this.

Mr Deputy Speaker, I have dwelt on Ukraine at some length for two key reasons: first, Singapore has always emphasised that big or small, all countries must observe international law and we have consistently opposed invasions, whether in East Timor or Cambodia. We have taken a clear stand, even when our views were contrary to those of far bigger powers, who were quite unhappy with us. Indonesia, the Soviet Union were amongst those who were unhappy then. We take the same stand now. There should not be any invasion of Ukraine.

Second, the events in Ukraine hold a number of lessons for us. Russia had signed an agreement in 1994 with the US and the UK agreeing not to threaten or use force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine. They also pledged never to use economic coercion to subjugate Ukraine to their own interest. Ukraine's sovereignty and independence were, thus, confirmed by a treaty.

So, lesson 1 is: when it comes to the crunch, treaties are only meaningful if you have the ability to enforce them. If Ukraine cannot defend the treaty and has no partners which will come to its aid – and I mean with deeds, not just words – then the treaty, by itself, will not help Ukraine.

Lesson 2: in international relations, size matters. The disparity between big and small countries is a fact of life. And a small country which cannot protect

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itself puts its sovereignty and its people at risk. Russia is vastly bigger than Ukraine, and its armed forces are much more powerful than the Ukraine armed forces. Russia is a nuclear power. Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons as part of the 1994 treaty.

Lesson 3: something we have repeated many times, the Security Council cannot always act decisively to protect small countries.

Lesson 4: when squeezed between two big powers or blocs, a smaller country like Ukraine can become a pawn. The country caught in between can be sacrificed if the two contending powers or blocs decide to reach a wider accommodation with each other, trading off their various interests. This has happened frequently in history – for example, to Poland. Smaller countries must always be aware of this.

Mr Deputy Speaker, I read what the hon Nominated Member Mr Laurence Lien said about the need for "a more positive narrative that is grounded in optimism". I wish it were possible to agree with him. But at least from the foreign policy perspective, which has a direct impact on the domestic well-being of Singaporeans, that would require one to ignore the facts and stop being realistic and honest with the people of Singapore.

Everything may look fine on the surface, but does that mean that our size does not matter? The treaties which guarantee our sovereignty and survival will, by themselves, be enough? That we can ignore the reality that we exist on 720 square kilometres? And that we are quite at the mercy of international economic winds, competition, bilateral disputes, regional tensions and shifts in the strategic balance?

It is a harsh world with rules which are often ignored by many countries, including the major powers. Success is not pre-ordained for any country, let alone a small city state. We ignore that at our peril. One has to accept facts, reality and then calmly and rationally deal with them, and explain publicly the situation and the response.

Last week, I stopped over in Istanbul, on my way back to Singapore, from Iran. I met the Turkish Interior Minister. He hosted me to lunch on the Bosphorus. As I looked out into the Bosphorus, the crisis in Ukraine, which is just really across the waters from the Bosphorus and the Black Sea, kept going through

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my mind.

Ukraine is the second largest country in Europe. It has a population of 45 million. It has an armed force of 90,000 active personnel with another one million reserve personnel. It had an elected President and Parliament. It was a functioning state, not a failed state. It was negotiating an economic agreement with the EU. It has embassies all over the world, including Singapore.

Yet, it finds itself in deep crisis. Its political system is in limbo, foreign troops on its soil, facing the serious risk of dismemberment, economy seriously affected, reserves running low.

I could not help but then think of our own situation – if we do not constantly run hard to make sure that everything works, that we out compete the world, that we can defend ourselves, how long will it take for our situation to unravel?

Mr Lien also said that we should trust our people. That I have no quarrel with – I entirely agree with him. But we also have a duty to be honest with our people and tell it like it is; and not sugar-coat the truth. It is best to be unvarnished about the truth.

If I can now offer Members a brief snapshot of the region.

Myanmar has faced ethnic as well as religious conflict recently. It has deep-seated problems and it has to deal with these issues while undergoing a difficult political and economic transition as well as handling the important task of being ASEAN Chair.

Thailand: one can see from the daily media updates what is happening and no clarity as to when or how it might end. It is the second largest economy in ASEAN.

Cambodia: post-elections, it has faced some issues.

Indonesia and Malaysia: Members will be following developments in Indonesia and Malaysia closely. So, I do not need to say much. We have had some issues with Indonesia recently. Indonesia will have parliamentary and presidential elections this year. In the past, Singapore has been the subject of adverse comments by some electoral contestants. We cannot rule out that

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happening again.

Ms Irene Ng and Mr Alex Yam also asked about potential pitfalls in our relations with Malaysia, including reports about the issue of water pricing. I, too, have read recent reports in the Malaysian media that Johor wishes to review the price of raw water sold to Singapore.

Singapore's position on this issue has been clear, consistent and unambiguous. We have articulated our position in this House many times. On 25 January 2003, Prof S Jayakumar gave a comprehensive account of our position. We have also formally conveyed our position to the Malaysian government on several occasions.

First, there is an existing 1962 Water Agreement. That Agreement is, in turn, guaranteed by the Separation Agreement. Both Agreements are international treaties which are vital to us, our sovereignty and our security. The terms of that Agreement cannot be changed unilaterally.

Second, under the terms of the 1962 Water Agreement, Malaysia has lost the right to review the price of water. I will elaborate on this when I answer a question that Ms Ellen Lee has raised, specifically on the recent Malaysian media reports on the price of water.

What we have set out is the legal position under international law. How good is it? It is good as long as both countries observe international law.

Dr Intan Azura Mokhtar asked about Singapore's relations with Indonesia, and Dr Lim Wee Kiak and Ms Irene Ng asked about the naming of the Indonesian navy ship KRI Usman Harun.

I have explained our position on the KRI Usman Harun in this House in February quite extensively. There will be issues which arise, but, overall, our relationship with Indonesia is positive. For example, we have made substantial progress in the negotiations on our maritime boundary in the eastern Straits of Singapore.

Dr Intan Azura Mokhtar and Dr Lim Wee Kiak asked for an update on our cooperation with Indonesia on transboundary haze pollution and ASEAN efforts to tackle this issue. Progress on this front has not been rapid. I will highlight

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three points.

First, ASEAN countries agreed to the ASEAN Sub-Regional Haze Monitoring System (HMS), which will allow us to better pinpoint those responsible for the haze. But we have not yet been able to implement the HMS even though the system is ready because the other parties have yet to agree to do so. The credibility of ASEAN is, of course, at stake.

Second, there was a media report on 4 March that mentioned that the majority of an Indonesian Parliamentary Commission was, in principle, supportive of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. That is welcome news as the other ASEAN countries have ratified the Agreement. Thus, once Indonesia agrees, the treaty can come into force.

Third, we have had reasonably successful cooperation on the ground with Jambi Province. Through a Letter of Intent (LOI) between Singapore and Indonesia, we provided assistance in technical capacity building and workshops, setting up of air and weather monitoring stations, among others. This MOU lapsed in 2009. We have suggested to Indonesia that we renew the LOI. Our respective officials have met several times. Jambi Province is keen for the LOI to be signed and for cooperation to continue. This could help on the ground by providing technical assistance and capacity building capabilities to equip local farmers with alternative land-clearing methods, sustainable farming and zero-burning practices. We are waiting for final approval from the relevant authorities in Jakarta, before the cooperation can be resumed.

Dr Lim Wee Kiak and Mr Ong Teng Koon asked about Singapore's relations with other Southeast Asian countries and the impact of the domestic situation in Thailand. We continue to broaden and deepen our relationships with other Southeast Asian countries besides Malaysia and Indonesia. With Vietnam, we upgraded our relationship to a Strategic Partnership last year and launched the 5th Vietnam-Singapore Industrial Park. We recently signed an Avoidance of Double Taxation Agreement with Laos during Laotian Prime Minister Thongsing Thammavong's official visit to Singapore. The Agreement will further expand bilateral economic links.

We also continue to maintain strong relationships with Brunei, Cambodia, Myanmar, the Philippines and Thailand, anchored by cooperation across multiple sectors. Such exchanges help sustain the momentum of bilateral relations, even as some of our neighbours undergo important political

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transitions.

On Thailand – I have said earlier what I can say. Within Thai society, there are also different factions with different interests. We can only hope for an amicable and peaceful solution to the crisis.

Ms Ellen Lee, Dr Lim Wee Kiak and Mr Alex Yam asked about progress towards achieving ASEAN's 2015 Community goal and ASEAN's plans after 2015. Ms Ellen Lee also asked about the regional architecture. A key focus of the 2015 ASEAN Community is the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). We are about 80% on track to achieving an AEC, which will integrate and transform ASEAN into a single regional market with freer flows of goods, services, investment, skilled labour and capital. Integration is an ongoing task. It will not end on 31 December 2015.

Following the adoption of the Bandar Seri Begawan Declaration on the ASEAN Community's Post-2015 Vision in October 2013, Singapore is actively working with our neighbours to develop ASEAN's Post-2015 Vision for the ASEAN Community.

ASEAN-led regional platforms, including the ASEAN Plus Three (APT), East Asia Summit (EAS) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), have developed constructive patterns of engagement amongst members amidst an unpredictable environment. As the geopolitical complexity of the region increases, it is vital that ASEAN remains united and effective in managing shifts in partnership with our stakeholders.

While good bilateral relations with our neighbours and a strong and cohesive ASEAN contribute to regional stability, our environment is also shaped by the relations among major powers in the region.

Ms Ellen Lee asked for an assessment of the state of Sino-US relations and whether Sino-US tensions will affect ASEAN. US-China relations are the key factor that will shape the regional environment. How both powers manage this relationship will be vital for regional stability.

Although the US and China are in direct competition with each other in several areas, they also have many shared interests and strong interdependence. The US and China have committed to maintaining strong ties with each other and they share a common interest in a stable Asia Pacific region.

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This is in the region's interest.

ASEAN will continue to serve as a neutral platform for major powers to engage one another and the region. ASEAN's broader goal is to sustain an open and inclusive regional architecture conducive for peace, stability and growth.

Mr David Ong asked about the risks of rising tensions in Northeast Asia. A peaceful and stable Northeast Asia is also critical for the development and prosperity of the wider region. However, here tensions have been rising over the past year, due to a series of actions and reactions taken by different parties. This trend is worrying, as it could jeopardise stability, confidence and growth prospects in the region.

Mr Ong Teng Koon asked about Singapore's position on the South China Sea disputes and how they can be addressed.

Territorial disputes in the South China Sea are another potentially serious flashpoint. Let me restate briefly Singapore's position: we take no sides on the merits of the various claims in the South China Sea. But we are a small trading nation, where external trade is three and a half times our GDP. We have a critical interest in ensuring that freedom of navigation and overflight as well as peace and stability in the South China Sea – and all high seas – are maintained. This is important to all users of the sea as the South China Sea is a vital sea line of communications (SLOC) through which a third of the world's trade passes.

We hope that claimant states will abide by international law, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). As a small state, we have a strong vested interest in preserving a predictable and rules-based order in the global sea lanes – which include the South China Sea.

We have an interest to make sure that disputes are settled peacefully in accordance with international law. Singapore will continue to strongly support the effective implementation of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and the early conclusion of a Code of Conduct between ASEAN and China.

Mr David Ong asked how else we are advancing our interests in freedom of navigation, including in the Arctic Council. At the international level, Singapore continues to actively expand our strategic space and protect our national interests through participation in international fora, such as the UN and its

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agencies.

Singapore also participates in various initiatives to ensure that our interests in freedom of navigation are maintained. For example, in May 2013, Singapore successfully gained observer status in the Arctic Council. Our contribution as an observer will allow us to monitor first-hand important issues that will affect our interests, such as the environmental effects due to development in the Arctic, impact of new shipping routes on our position as a transshipment hub and freedom of navigation.

Dr Lim Wee Kiak and Ms Irene Ng asked about how the geopolitical environment has affected our foreign policy. Although the evolving geopolitical landscape has complicated our external environment, the key tenets of our diplomacy have served and will continue to serve us well. I have set them out earlier. Even though we are a small nation, we must be able to speak up on global issues which affect our national interests, for example, allowing a country and its people to determine its own future free of external force or influence.

Singapore's continued prosperity is contingent on its security. Foreign policy is an extension of domestic policy and requires the backing of all Singaporeans, as well as a strong and dedicated Foreign Service that is skillful and nimble enough to address new challenges and seize emerging opportunities. That is really vital for the safeguarding of and advancing Singapore's interests.

Mr Gerald Giam I think really made this point that we ought to be spending more in terms of foreign aid and development. I think if you take 0.75% of our GDP, we are looking at something in excess of S$2 billion. I would suggest, with respect, that that is probably the wrong approach to take. You do not start out by saying, "I want to spend so much money." You start out by saying, "Where do I want to be in foreign policy terms? What is it that I want to achieve?" And having listened to my speech, Mr Giam would appreciate that we do what is necessary to maintain our international space.

We need to be strong bilaterally; we need to work with regional platforms; we need to be active in the international fora, including the United Nations, and we are. For example, we effectively coordinate and lead what is called the 3G, which is a group of like-minded countries which make proposals to the G20. We chair and coordinate what is called a Forum of Small States which comprises more than a hundred countries in the United Nations. We do a number of these

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things; not all of them are costed under foreign aid development. We also, bring in, by last count, it must be in excess of 80,000 people to Singapore to train them because we do not believe in giving direct money but we believe in training people in capacity building in their countries. So, they come here, they learn from us, and I do not even like to put it in terms of "learn", I put it in terms of "share". They see what we have done right, they see what we have done not so well – that helps them, they go back. They range from countries like Botswana, Rwanda, obviously Southeast Asia – more than half the participants come from Southeast Asia – and other countries. Even China, they do not come under the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP), they come under other programmes. We do not cost all of them under the development aid.

So, we take part in international fora where we see it is in our vital interest, for example, the Arctic Council. We make a very serious effort, spend resources as necessary and become observers. A lot of people scratch their heads and say, "Why does Singapore want to be an observer in the Arctic Council?" We decided we wanted to. We fought quite hard, we were successful in getting in, as an observer. And we will make a contribution there. In fact, our contributions were so well recognised that Mr Sam Tan was asked to make a speech.

Perhaps, the Member can tell me how he thinks that we ought to be spending our money in different ways? But, so far, we make direct contributions, for example, when there are humanitarian needs. When there is a disaster, we also offer relief in kind. Rather than working back from what we ought to spend S$2 billion, we work on the basis that these are the countries that may benefit from our developmental aid. Not everything has got to be based purely on a calculative basis, nor should it be. These are the countries that we can work with and share our experiences. Often, it also is relevant to our foreign policy aims. For example, last year, we had the Foreign Ministers of the Caribbean states visit Singapore to look at our experiences and from the Pacific Islands as well. This year, it is likely that a number of Ministers from Africa will visit Singapore to look at what we are doing.

Earlier, in the Law Ministry debate, my Senior Minister of State pointed out that we are doing things with Myanmar which would help them develop their legal capacity. That does not come under the development budget either. We go in a very targeted way. Another thing we do is we go into partnership with third countries or we bring in partners and, together, we target to do some good in third countries. We have signed the partnership programme with the United Sates, for example – it is called a Third Country training programme. With US

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expertise, our local know-how, together, go into a specific country. We have such deals and agreements with a number of countries. So, if he thinks that is not enough, maybe he can tell us what more we can do.

I will begin by elaborating on Singapore's key bilateral relations beyond Southeast Asia.

China and the United States (US) are both important partners for Singapore and many of our neighbours, and they have much to contribute to regional stability, growth and prosperity. Singapore maintains good bilateral relations with both countries and will continue to strengthen these ties to keep both powers engaged in the region.

The United States – for the past few decades, the US presence has underpinned regional stability, allowing countries in the region to grow and prosper. Singapore has supported the US' constructive regional engagement. We enjoy strong political, economic and security ties. The US is Singapore's largest foreign direct investor and our fourth-largest trading partner. On the defence front, we facilitated the rotational deployment of the US' Littoral Combat Ships, in line with our support for the US' continued engagement of the region. There has also been a steady exchange of high-level visits in the past year. Our Prime Minister met with President Barack Obama in April 2013 in Washington and we hosted visits to Singapore by Vice President Joe Biden and other key members of the Obama Administration. As part of the US' continued engagement of the region, the inaugural ASEAN-US Summit was held in October last year, which signalled both sides' commitment to elevate the ASEAN-US partnership and broaden existing cooperation. We look forward to President Obama' visit to the region in April 2014.

Moving on to our ties with China, we have always believed that a strong and prosperous China is in the interest of Singapore, the region and the world. Singapore has, therefore, consistently supported China's development over the years and we have witnessed bilateral cooperation expanding beyond traditional economic cooperation into new areas, such as financial services, sustainable development and social management. We continue to have excellent institutional links, such as the Singapore-China Joint Council for Bilateral Cooperation, which celebrated its 10th anniversary last year. We enjoy good relations with the Chinese leadership and saw several high-level

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exchanges, including visits to China by Prime Minister Lee, Emeritus Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong and Deputy Prime Ministers Teo Chee Hean and Tharman Shanmugaratnam. Singapore also hosted visits by Chinese Vice Premier Zhang Gaoli and Foreign Minister Wang Yi. At the broader regional level, China has been a strong and consistent supporter of ASEAN. We commemorated the 10th anniversary of the ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership last year and look forward to the Chinese leadership's continued interest in strengthening ASEAN-China ties.

I will now briefly touch on Singapore's ties with our other key bilateral partners.

Singapore and Japan have robust relations underpinned by strong economic ties and close cooperation on issues of common interest. The Prime Minister made two visits to Japan in May and December last year to keep up ties with Japanese leaders. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe also visited Singapore last July and delivered the 33rd Singapore Lecture on "Abenomics". We have also maintained good relations with the Republic of Korea, which has expressed interest in stepping up ties with Singapore on several fronts, including economic cooperation. Prime Minister visited the ROK in December last year and will be making another visit this December to commemorate the 25th anniversary of ASEAN-ROK dialogue relations.

Economic, defence and people-to-people links between Singapore and India continue to thrive. We had a good exchange of high-level visits last year, including those by Emeritus Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong, Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam, Indian Finance Minister P Chidambaram and External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid. The maturity of our relations with India cushioned any negative impact arising from the Little India riot. Indian perceptions towards Singapore, which are generally positive, have not been affected. Going forward, both sides will continue to work to strengthen relations, especially in the economic, defence and air services sectors.

In terms of our relations with Europe, the Prime Minister made official visits to France and Poland in October 2013, while the President made State Visits to Hungary and the Slovak Republic in November 2013. The President will visit Portugal and Switzerland this year to explore new areas of economic and research cooperation with both countries.

Last year, I provided an update on the negotiations for the EU-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (EUSFTA). I am pleased to note that the EUSFTA, as well

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as the EU-Singapore Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (ESPCA), have since been initialled in September and October 2013 respectively. The EU is our third largest trading partner with trade amounting to S$96.5 billion in 2013 and the largest source of Foreign Direct Investments of S$189.4 billion in 2012. The EUSFTA will yield benefits for Singapore companies. The potential tariff savings from the FTA amount to approximately S$500 million each year. We are working towards the approval and ratification of both agreements by the EU Council and European Parliament. This is our key priority for 2014.

Minister Shanmugam spoke about our participation in the UN earlier on. Besides the UN, we have made great progress in pursuing our economic interest. Particularly, I am pleased to note that Singapore has been invited by Australia to the Brisbane G20 Summit in November 2014. This will be the fourth time Singapore is participating in the G20 Summit. We are also working with various parties to ensure substantive outcomes in the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement negotiations. The TPP, together with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) FTA, which Singapore is also actively involved in negotiating, will promote greater regional economic integration and pave the way for an eventual Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific. In these ways and more, Singapore has continued to make progress in expanding our economic space.

Senior Minister of State Masagos will now speak on our engagement of emerging markets in the Middle East, Latin America and Africa.

Mr Chairman, Mr Alex Yam asked about the state of Singapore's engagement of the Middle East, in view of political developments in the region, and Singapore's engagement of emerging markets, of which I will touch on Africa and Latin America.

We have focused our efforts on the Gulf countries, many of which we have established institutional platforms with, such as the UAE, Qatar, as well as Oman, where we have recently established a Consulate-General in Muscat, Oman.

Last year, between our officeholders, we visited Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, Qatar, UAE, Oman and Bahrain. And recently, Minister visited Iran. Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean also visited Abu Dhabi in January 2014. Singapore also welcomed Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Abdullah Bin Nasser Bin Khalifa Al-Thani in November last year and His Majesty King Abdullah [II]

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recently in February this year.

Our economic ties with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are strong. Last year, trade between Singapore and the GCC totalled about S$64 billion and, with the coming into force of the GCC-Singapore Free Trade Agreement in September 2013, we will further expand our economic links with the region.

At the regional level, Singapore has worked with ASEAN to build closer links with the GCC.

In addition to these political and economic engagements, we have shared our development experiences with the Middle East. For example, Singapore contributes to the Palestinian National Authority's capacity building efforts under our Technical Assistance Package. This contribution was highlighted when I attended the second Conference on Cooperation among East Asian Countries for Palestinian Development in Jakarta, where I also met Palestinian Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah and welcomed more Palestinian officials to visit Singapore under the enhanced package. We offered further help and cooperation, including water management and public administration.

Besides the Middle East, we have stepped up our engagement of other emerging markets, such as Turkey – where we opened an Embassy in 2012 – Africa, and Latin America, to expand Singapore's economic footprint.

In January 2014, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made an official visit to Singapore, where the commencement of negotiations on a comprehensive Singapore-Turkey Free Trade Agreement was announced. This is a significant development in bilateral relations.

Africa continues to feature on our radar as we look beyond traditional investment destinations. I visited South Africa and Nigeria in May 2013 and was impressed by the rapid economic growth and pace of development in the continent. We must not miss out on this.

We are also watching Latin America closely. Our trade with this fast-growing region reached about S$37 billion in 2013. Minister Shanmugam has visited Brazil and Peru and, in July 2013, we hosted Ministers from 10 Caribbean countries for the inaugural CARICOM High-Level Ministerial Exchange Visit.

Indeed, many Latin American countries are looking for opportunities to participate in Asia's robust growth. Notably, as of 2013, cumulative foreign

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direct investments from the region into Singapore amounted to S$25 billion.

Our ability to seize opportunities and foster cooperation with these emerging markets will give Singapore additional avenues for growth. I will now hand over to Senior Parliamentary Secretary Sam Tan who will respond to questions on Singapore's technical assistance and MFA's consular assistance to Singaporeans.

Thank you. Mr Chairman, I would like to now respond to questions on Singapore's technical assistance programmes and consular assistance to Singaporeans.

Mr Gerald Giam asked about the role of international development in our foreign policy and whether we are considering expanding the scale of this programme. Singapore's technical assistance programme is part of Singapore's effort for international development to build a constituency of friends and supporters at the United Nations as well as important international fora.

Singapore currently extends technical assistance to other developing countries mainly through the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP). We do this because this is a right thing to do. Singapore had benefited from foreign assistance when we first became independent. Now that we have reached a certain level of development, we wanted to give something back as a responsible member of the international community.

We understood from our own experience that technical assistance is equally effective if not more than giving just financial aid in creating the right conditions for growth. So, under the SCP, we trained government officers from other countries to equip them with skills and knowledge to make a real impact in changing their people's lives for the better. We share Singapore's

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development experiences, our experiences, successes, as well as mistakes we have made along the way in the areas where we are strong in, such as public administration, urban planning and economic development.

Helping other countries is also not just the only right thing to do. It also helps to build a strong network of friends for Singapore who can help us defend our interests at the United Nations and other international organisations. As a small state, building a wide constituency of friends is especially useful for Singapore. The SCP helps our neighbours and also benefits Singapore.

A good part of the SCP is aimed at strengthening ASEAN. An ASEAN that is economically integrated, prosperous and neutral can better attract investments, create jobs, manage regional challenges and be a platform through which to engage larger powers. The SCP has been very, very well received by Singapore's friends and partners and it complements other forms of assistance extended by other agencies or civil societies and international organisations, such as the Singapore International Foundation.

We will need to continue investing in the SCP to broaden our network of friends and also to deepen friendships. But Singapore has limited resources and cannot compete with the larger donor countries in terms of the quantum of their assistance that we give out. Some major donors, like Japan and the US, dispense more than US$10 billion in aid per year. We do not have that kind of deep pockets but we can still do what is within our means – effectively targeting and meaningfully. We will be focusing our efforts on maximising the values of our contributions by providing smarter assistance by concentrating our efforts in areas where we can make a positive impact to the recipient countries.

We can also customise our programmes to meet the developmental needs of our friends. And we can also develop new programmes to meet emerging development needs and challenges. We can also do so by leveraging more on our network of partnerships with aid agencies, International Organisations and other developed countries to provide joint technical assistance to other countries.

Mr Chairman, I shall now move on to consular assistance to Singaporeans.

With greater affluence and connectivity, Singaporeans are travelling much more than before for work, leisure and education. Singaporeans made 6.9 million trips in 2013, that is, last year, compared to 3.6 million a decade ago. This excludes land trips to Malaysia which reach almost 20 million trips last

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year. Our consular workload has correspondingly grown in both volume and complexity with more than 3,000 consular cases handled last year. Concurrently, Singaporeans' expectations of our consular services have also risen over time. MFA treats all requests for consular assistance seriously and remains committed to providing efficient and responsive consular assistance to Singaporeans in distress abroad.

While some cases have been challenging to handle, our officers have been able to assist to meet these challenges and we are heartened and encouraged by Singaporeans expressing their appreciation for MFA's assistance. For example, when the Australian police alerted our Canberra Mission that a young Singaporean child had passed away in Tasmania while on holiday there, our mission helped advise the family on various aspects of the repatriation procedure. Our Canberra Mission also took the initiative to contact KK Hospital for the deceased's medical records so as to speed up the process. The family returned to Singapore safely and subsequently they wrote a letter to all those agencies involved, including our Mission and the Tasmanian authorities, to express their gratitude for the assistance.

In another case, a Singaporean NUS student was in Beijing on an internship programme when she received news that her father had suffered a heart attack in Singapore. Unfortunately, her passport had been submitted to the local Chinese authorities for the processing of visa and this, unfortunately, had also coincided with the three-day national holiday period for Mid-Autumn festival in China. Upon receiving the news, our Mission in Beijing quickly contacted the Beijing authorities and got the relevant officers to return to the office so that the student could retrieve her passport and rush back to Singapore that very night. The President of NUS wrote a letter to thank our Beijing Mission for the expeditious assistance extended to the student.

Mr Alex Yam asked whether MFA has sufficient resources to meet increasing demands for consular support. I would like to thank Mr Yam for his concern. MFA is constantly improving our work processes to better meet public needs for consular services. In addition to our 49 Overseas Missions, we maintain a network of 30 Honorary Consuls-General (HCGs) in countries where we do not have diplomatic presence. These Honorary Consuls General are prominent members of their countries and they help Singapore by providing consular coverage in locations where we do not have resident Missions. Where we do not even have representations of the HCG, there is an agreement among ASEAN countries to help one another's nationals when there is an emergency. We can also request assistance from friendly countries like the UK, the US, Australia and New Zealand. We also place an emphasis on emergency

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preparedness and regularly review our contingency plans to deal with potential flashpoints where Singaporeans could be affected.

MFA also participated in inter-Ministry and interagency emergency preparedness exercises as a coordinated approach among multiple Government agencies is often required when handling crises. If there is a need, we will deploy Consular Response Teams (CRTs) to help Singaporeans in crisis areas following natural and man-made disasters. For example, a CRT was deployed to Egypt during the period of unrest in August 2013 to assist affected Singaporeans, especially our students studying in Cairo.

In recent years, MFA has also been using technology to enhance our ability to monitor and respond to crises and step up our ability to communicate with Singaporeans. We started a dedicated Consular Twitter account in 2011 and launched the MFA@SG mobile application in 2012. These two technical tools help to expand and extend our reach and improve our dissemination of information in a timely and efficient manner.

As a matter of fact, the MFA@SG app now ranks among the top three Government mobile applications in terms of subscribed users. We also continue to encourage Singaporeans travelling overseas to make use of our "eRegister" system so that we can contact them in the event of an emergency. Singaporeans can also subscribe to receive MFA's travel notices electronically, which provide useful consular information for their overseas trips.

While our officers will continue to do their best to be creative, flexible and empathetic in assisting Singaporeans, there are also limitations to what we can do. So, we have to act in accordance with international conventions and cannot ignore local laws and regulations or interfere with the judicial processes of other countries. It is inevitable that Singaporeans may have to put up with some inconveniences and frustrations when travelling abroad. Nevertheless, MFA cannot compel a foreign country or government agency or commercial entity to satisfy the demands of Singaporeans. It is, therefore, important that Singaporeans understand what our consular officers can or cannot do.

While MFA strives to assist, Singaporeans also have to take some responsibility for their own safety when they travel. For instance, proper pre-trip preparations and taking sensible precautions while abroad can help to minimise problems during their travels.

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Ms Irene Ng mentioned the need to have well-trained and dedicated Foreign Service Officers. I fully agree with her. For a small country with no natural resources like Singapore, we really have to maximise human resources, which are our only asset. People are, indeed, key to diplomacy and there can be no substitute for people. We are, therefore, also intensifying our efforts to train and professionalise our consular officers in MFA headquarters as well and at Overseas Missions.

Mr Chairman, foreign policy starts with the people and ends with the people. We need good people to craft out sound foreign policy and we also need good people to implement them on the ground. My Ministry will continue to pay close attention to HR development to ensure that we will continue to have a good team to secure and defend the regional and international interests of Singapore through sound diplomacy.

Mr Chairman, I would like to ask the Minister for clarification regarding the ASEAN Economic Committee which he mentioned. With the current political turmoil that is going on with our regional countries in ASEAN, will the remaining 20% of that work come through? And what can Singaporeans expect when the ASEAN Economic Committee comes to realisation, which means, what can the man on the street benefit from it?

Thank you, Sir. The remaining 20% of the issues to be dealt with, the tariffs and coming down of the barriers, obviously are the most difficult ones. There have been intense negotiations and obviously some progress. There is goodwill on all sides, but given the differences in economic development, obviously there are some concerns amongst some of the countries about completely opening up and we are trying. Everybody recognises that come 2015, we need to make progress. We have already agreed on a post-2015 vision as well. We will have to do what we can this year and next year. There is goodwill. And we will continue trying after that.

Now, what does that mean for the man in the street? When you bring down the tariff barriers, what does this represent? ASEAN has over 600 million people. Its economy, the weight of its economy, is something in excess of $2.2 trillion. That is bigger than the economy of India.

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If you look at the map of Asia, what are the big economic blocks? India, China, Japan. Everybody recognises that. Not a lot of people realise that ASEAN is a huge economy within itself. Imagine if that economy, growing at anything between 4% and 5%, a bit more, a bit less, can bring down the barriers and create a large economic community. The sum of the parts is much greater than what we would achieve individually.

Freer flow of goods, services. Of course, professional services, there will always be more difficulties. But if we can get at least the goods, basic goods, basic services moving without too many barriers, that will be a tremendous achievement and it will add to the economic growth and it will yield substantial benefits for the people of ASEAN.

The invasion of Ukraine by Russia is yet another reminder of vulnerabilities of small states. It is a reminder to Singapore, especially, on how harsh the world is, that size, economic strength and military power do matter in international relations. This is precisely the point I will be making in my defence cuts.

The younger generation has grown up knowing only peace. This may have lulled people like the Nominated Member Laurence Lien into a false sense of security in believing that the narrative of vulnerability is only rhetoric and not reality.

Can I ask the Minister how can MFA ensure that Singaporeans will support Singapore's foreign policy and its fundamental tenets, and to be united when any country, no matter how large, tries to intimidate or put pressure on Singapore?

I think most Singaporeans, including the younger generation, understand the fact that we are small and the limitations that it brings. The extent of understanding may vary. I think every country faces this issue that what happens in the foreign policy space is not often understood in the domestic scene. Smaller countries have less of a problem because people can see for themselves every now and then what happens to them when

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international events and regional events impact them very directly. We just have to continue trying. I can give no better answer.

Thank you, Mr Chairman. I have two questions for the Senior Parliamentary Secretary.

Sir, you mentioned that a large part of the Singapore Cooperation Programme has been focused on ASEAN. Could you share with us how much specifically and whether there are some key examples of success? Secondly, on consular services, I read recently that the Australian MFA, in a recent review, is considering charging Australians for the use of consular assistance. Is this something, with the growing number of consular assistance requests, that MFA would also be considering?

Mr Chairman, I used quite a bit of extra time just now, so I will just give a very short answer. The second question first – whether MFA will impose fees for consular services. The short answer is no, we have no plan to do so.

With regard to the Member's first question about the SCP for ASEAN, today, we have trained about 55,000 officials from ASEAN and this constitutes 57% of our total SCP trainees. In that sense, it is almost close to 60% of the SCP.

A question for the Minister. Firstly, I said in my cut quite clearly that I did not expect Singapore to contribute 0.7% and, certainly, not $2 billion. So, I am aware that every dollar we spend on international development must be one less dollar we spend on domestic needs. I also thank Senior Parliamentary Secretary Sam Tan for explaining MFA's contributions through the SCP. My key question actually in my cut was: "Does the Government see international development as a cost-effective way of furthering our foreign policy goals in terms of building goodwill and support from other countries for Singapore?"

For example, after the Asian tsunami, Singapore engaged in several projects in Aceh province as well as in Sri Lanka to build up some of their capacity, not just in terms of technical assistance and training, but actually going to that country and engaging in development projects. Are there plans for Singapore to similarly explore such things, such that we can further our foreign policy goals a bit better?

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Yes, we see it as part of our foreign policy aims.

Thank you, Chairman. I have a question for the Minister. The Minister mentioned about Ukraine and I am just interested to know how the Minister interprets this situation. The US and almost all of Europe are condemning Russia for what they did in Crimea. But China's President has actually been contacting the Russian President and both have reaffirmed their good relationship. Given what China is doing currently in East China and the South China Sea, would that be taken as a further manifestation of Chinese intention that instead of condemning Russia for what she is doing in Crimea, China is actually supporting what Russia is doing?

I think it is entirely understandable that not just China but many countries will affirm their good relations with Russia, including us. But that does not prevent us from taking a specific view on any particular action. We have made our own position clear. China has not quite said what it thinks about Russian actions, but I do not think we should draw a conclusion from the fact that the President of China spoke with the President of Russia that China is either approving or condemning the specific actions in Crimea. But what it tells us is that every country understands what its interests are. Interests are permanent, friends are transient. Each country will behave according to its size and weight and what it considers to be its interest. What China is doing is obviously calculated in China's interest.