Debated in Parliament on 14 Jan 2013.
Dr Lim Wee Kiak asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs what are the implications for Singapore in respect of the outcome of the recent US presidential election as well as the leadership renewal in China.
Mdm Speaker, Dr Lim asked about the implications for Singapore in respect of the outcome of the recent US Presidential Election as well as the leadership renewal in China. First, if I may look at the US. Singapore and the US have consistently enjoyed good relations through successive Administrations. The relationship is anchored by strong cooperation. We have many areas of common interests across a range of issues. The institutionalisation of the US-Singapore Strategic Partnership Dialogue in 2012 is an example of the ever-strengthening bilateral links. Both sides continue to engage each other and carry out high-level exchanges to maintain the good personal relationships that already exist at several levels. And we will continue to further broaden and deepen the current state of good bilateral relationships.
The US' continued presence in Asia has contributed to the region's prosperity and security. One strength of the US' Asia-Pacific strategy over the last 30 years has been that it is essentially bipartisan and remaining steady and consistent through successive Administrations. With President Obama's re-
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election, we can expect continuity on US' policy on Asia and the President's first overseas visit after re-election was to our region, amongst others to attend the Seventh East Asia Summit and the Fourth ASEAN-US Leaders Meeting. That sent a strong signal of his Administration's continued commitment to this region. We hope that the new Secretary of State will also make an early visit to the region and participate in ASEAN meetings.
Now, looking at China, we enjoy a close co-operative relationship with China and we do not expect the relationship to be affected by the leadership transition. Indeed, we expect it to be strong. Many new Chinese leaders are already familiar with Singapore and our leaders. Our relations are built on a foundation of strong, regular institutional links, for example, the Joint Council for Bilateral Co-operation, and we have common interests on a wide range of issues. The strength of our relationship is evidenced by the frequent high-level exchanges and close co-operation on several bilateral projects, for example, the Suzhou Industrial Park and the Tianjin Eco-city, and others at the provincial level, for example, the Guangzhou Knowledge City, as well as the Provincial Councils with provinces like Jiangsu and Sichuan. The business-to-business as well as people-to-people links are also robust. We look forward to continue working well with the new Chinese leaders to further strengthen ties between the two countries.
Madam, the Maritime disputes in the South China Sea have become increasingly contentious and tense. Adding to the complexity is the growing Sino-US competition for influence in this region. I would like to ask the Minister two supplementary questions, given Singapore's interest in ensuring freedom of navigation and in preserving the peace and stability of our region. First, can I ask the Minister for his assessment of how the leadership transitions in both the US and China, and the shifting domestic politics in both these countries, will affect the fundamental positions of the countries on the South China Sea dispute and the dynamics of the dispute? Second, can I ask the Minister if he is concerned that with the growing US-China competition in this region, divisions within ASEAN may widen and call into question the aspirations for centrality in the region?
First, on the leadership changes and the shifting balances as well as the growing nationalism within the countries, and how that might impact on the region. I think, fundamentally, we must expect all countries to act in their own interest. That must be so for big powers and the way Singapore has put the message across is that peace and prosperity in this region for the last 50 years have been maintained by a number of principles, but, primarily, by making sure that the region is stable. And stability has been
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brought about by a strong American presence as well as an acceptance by everyone that open trade, free trade and building up linkages, creating an ASEAN architecture and regional architecture on that base, have been the fundamentals of prosperity. And that should continue. That is in America's interest, as well as in China's interest – that we have a strong and credible ASEAN and that we have freedom of navigation across both sides. We are putting forward a number of ideas for that, for example, encouraging the claimant countries, the various countries which are claiming in the South China Sea, to agree to a Code of Conduct that everyone can be a party to.
The issues relating to sovereignty – who owns what – are not likely to be resolved in our lifetimes. So, really, the approach is to try and put that on the back burner, and agree on a way in which countries can relate to each other and co-operate with each other, and what can be done and what cannot be done. That would preserve peace. And we welcome the growth of China. It has been an unmitigated positive for all of Asia. We have over $50 billion invested. China's growth is a continued fundamental for our own success and for the region's success. US and China would have to find a way of dealing with each other that does not affect the peace in this region. And we believe that, broadly, that will be achieved.
As regards specifically on ASEAN, there would always be a temptation by one country or another to see if they can get closer to some ASEAN countries. Again, we must expect all major countries to act in their own interest, but we have made the point quite forcefully that a united ASEAN better serves the interests of the major powers. Because ASEAN, with 600 million people and growth at about somewhere around 5% or so, and with the regional economy close to US$2 trillion, is poised for take-off. If our ASEAN vision comes through and the connectivity comes through, we will have roads, railroads, better connections, and the economies will become intermeshed. As a result of which it provides tremendous opportunities for the US, Japan and China. So, a united, prosperous, successful ASEAN is in everyone's interest. A divided ASEAN is in no one's interest. And that is the message that Singapore continues to give.
I would like to thank the Minister for Foreign Affairs for this reply. I would like to ask the Minister: what are the implications of the changes in the Obama Administration leadership team, particularly the Secretary of State, as well as the Defence Secretary who is somebody who has served in the Vietnam war? Does he sense that there will be a change in terms of the outlook towards ASEAN? What are the implications to the new leadership in China and how does that impact Singapore on the
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whole?
At this stage, of course, we do not have a new Secretary of State or Secretary of Defence. Nominations have been made. If those nominations go through, we have reasons to believe that the American policy towards Southeast Asia and East Asia will continue to be what it has been so far. The policy the last time round was put together by the Administration together with the State department. As I said earlier, these policies are based on national interests, which do not vary from Administration to Administration, and US policy towards Asia has been essentially bipartisan, so we expect that that will continue.
As regards the dynamics of the US relationship with China with new leadership in both countries, as the Member might know, I made a major speech in Turkey last week, or the week before, and our own assessment is that the US and China now have many touch-points, many bilateral routes of engagement, and they understand the need to accommodate each other and each other's interests and work out a modus vivendi that would not endanger peace.
There are certainly risks. We see in newspaper reports of tensions rising or potential clashes and so on, so let us not underestimate the risks. In fact, over the last few years, the risks have grown. But, fundamentally, we believe that it is in both their interests and our interests that they come to some accommodation. Whether they will indeed do so, whether everything will be peaceful, I cannot assure you. If that does not happen and tensions rise, it can be pretty severe for the region and for us. Regular incidents of naval craft or aircraft confronting each other, of course, impact on how we view the situation.
Thank you, Mdm Speaker. Thank you to the Minister for Foreign Affairs for the insights into the changes in both the US and China. I would like to ask a bit more explicitly, does this mean that the relationship that Singapore has maintained with both those powers will continue to be maintained in the way of balance and emphasis, or does the Minister expect the changes or the relationships to be evolved going forward, shifting the balance between how we engage both the US and China?
The relative weight of China is growing. I am not one of those who believe that the US is in permanent decline. Nevertheless, the respective levels of influence, there will be a relative shift. And Singapore's position has consistently been to be good friends of both. That is in our interest, and that will continue to be in our interest. Would that be a challenge-free
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approach? It really depends on how the state of relationships between US and China develops. It could develop in a way that makes it challenging for all of us who are friends with both countries, and we will just have to adapt to that.
Mr David Ong, next question, please.
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