Debated in Parliament on 10 Sep 2024.
Resumption of Debate on Question [9 September 2024], "That the Bill be now read a Second time." – [Minister for Manpower].
Question again proposed.
Mr Louis Ng.
Sir, the Platform Workers Bill seeks to strengthen protections for platform workers. I stand in support of the Bill.
I thank the Ministry of Manpower (MOM) for conducting a public consultation on the proposed changes and for publishing its responses to the feedback received. I have three points of clarification to raise.
My first point is on the scope of platform services covered under the Bill. Currently, the Bill only covers self-employed persons who work with platform operators to provide two types of services, namely, delivery or ride-hail services. It does not cover self-employed persons who work with platform operators to provide other types of services. I understand that the Bill already protects more than 90% of self-employed persons who use online matching platforms through its coverage of delivery or ride-hail services.
That said, the number of self-employed persons who use online matching platforms to provide other types of services is also growing. These services include domestic cleaning, beauty, therapeutic and caregiving services. For example, when a domestic cleaning platform acquired a local cleaning company with 60 employees in 2021, it announced that it would be adding 1,000 more workers to its platform within one year. A chief executive officer (CEO) of a medical and caregiving platform service reported that between 2018 and 2021, the company observed a 10 times growth in demand for homecare, which would translate into a spike in the caregivers using its platform.
Given that the Bill already covers 90% of workers, can the Senior Minister of State share the rationale for not going further and covering all platform services? Is there a principled difference between workers on delivery or ride-hail services platforms compared to platforms of other services?
Will the Ministry look into expanding the definition of "platform operators" and "platform workers" in the Bill to cover all types of platform services at a later date? If so, does the Ministry have a timeline for reviewing the scope of the definition?
In light of the rising number of self-employed persons who use online matching platforms to provide other types of services, I urge the Government to extend the protections under this Bill to cover all types of platform services.
My second point is on remedies available for platform workers who encounter discrimination and unfair dismissal. I welcome the announcement of platform work associations which will have legal mandate to represent platform workers to address issues like fairer payment terms. While this is a good step, it may not go far enough to protect platform workers from unfair dismissal or discrimination by the platform operators.
Platform workers are not employees and do not receive the protections afforded by the Employment Act, the Tripartite Guidelines on Wrongful Dismissal, the Workplace Fairness Legislation and the Tripartite Guidelines for Fair Employment Practices (TAFEP). This Bill does not appear to prohibit platform operators from unfairly removing a platform worker from the platform service or making decisions which discriminate against the platform worker.
Food delivery riders have complained about being unfairly penalised, warned or suspended for food spillage or other customer complaints. Private hire vehicle drivers have complained about wrongful forfeiture of incentives and wrongful removal from the platform.
The lack of a low-cost dispute resolution mechanism in the Bill, such as the equivalent of filing a claim at Tripartite Alliance for Dispute Management (TADM) or a mediation request at TAFEP, means that platform workers may have little or no viable options to dispute the platform operator's decision to remove or discriminate against the platform worker. This would result in a loss of income to the platform worker and this will, in turn, affect their housing and retirement adequacy.
My third and final point is on the transparency of decision-making by platform operators. Regulators in other states have introduced policies to make more transparent decision-making by platform operators. For example, in April 2024, the European Parliament adopted the Platform Work Directive, which required platforms to provide workers with written information about the automated monitoring and decision-making systems that it uses. For platform workers, this could mean transparency over key factors, such as the distance, destination and share of tips received, how their rating was derived, which, in turn, affects the jobs assigned to them and the amount that they earn.
Sir, notwithstanding these clarifications, I stand in support of the Bill.
Mr Ong Hua Han.
Mr Speaker, thank you for allowing me to participate in this debate. According to the latest labour force report by MOM, in 2023, there were 70,500 platform workers in Singapore. These are our taxi drivers, private-hire car drivers and delivery workers. They make up a significant population in our workforce. Under the proposed Platform Workers Bill, platform workers will now gain rights and legal protection they did not enjoy before. I support this landmark change.
On this Bill, I will speak on and raise clarifications around three key areas of the Bill, namely: one, the implications of Central Provident Fund (CPF); two, workplace injury compensation; and three, the scope of this Bill.
Sir, introducing CPF contributions for platform workers aligns with the comprehensive social security system that has long been in place for employees. CPF ensures that workers have a safety net to meet future needs. It encourages workers to start saving for a home at a younger age, sets aside a fund for healthcare and facilitates long-term financial planning for retirement. The change for platform workers brings them closer to par with employees, which is a good thing.
I also welcome the enhancements to the Platform Workers CPF Transition Support (PCTS), where the Government will fully cover platform workers' CPF payments in the first year. This means that platform workers’ take-home pay will not be impacted in 2025. Hopefully, this will alleviate the worries of workers about reduction in take-home pay and encourage more workers to opt in for CPF.
While the introduction of CPF coverage for platform workers is promising and should be commended, there are potential downside risks that should be addressed.
First, mandating CPF contributions may unintentionally frame platform work as a viable, long-term career path for younger workers. However, it is important to acknowledge that platform work rarely offers long-term development. Unlike employees, platform workers do not have the same access to continuous learning or promotion opportunities. This limits their career progression, especially when they are often isolated from professional networks and not levelling up their skills over time.
Additionally, platform workers do not have the full benefits that employees enjoy. Platform work is subject to market forces and can be an unstable source of income. It is preferably not a long-term career plan for all, especially for people in the early stages of their working life.
Yet, full-time platform workers who want to switch careers often find it difficult to leave this line of work. On one hand, platform workers may be willing to spend their time upskilling and applying for jobs. But that time could be spent completing gigs to make more money. Simply put, upskilling comes at a cost. It is a luxury to some platform workers, a luxury most cannot afford.
Contrast this with lower-wage employees in sectors under the Progressive Wage Model (PWM). The PWM maps out a clear career pathway for wages to increase. Employees are required to attend training to improve their productivity and skills. Platform workers do not benefit from such structured support. Unlike lower-wage employees, there is no incentive to improve their skills within their ecosystem. Even if they do secure a job, it may be difficult for platform workers to get used to a more traditional working environment.
After all, while platform work offers for more flexibility and autonomy, traditional employees are usually under direct supervision at the workplace. Transitioning to this can be challenging and may discourage platform workers from seeking or staying in traditional employment.
We therefore need to proactively support our platform workers, especially the younger ones, to find and remain in a stable job. The Government currently has a range of support measures catered to lower-wage workers and unemployed individuals. These include the Workfare Skills Support Scheme and the Career Conversion Programmes. More recently, during the National Day Rally, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong also announced the Jobseeker Support scheme, recognising the difficulties faced by the involuntarily unemployed. Perhaps, we can introduce tailored programmes to address the opportunity cost that platform workers face. Or could the Government calibrate existing schemes so that more are incentivised to prepare themselves for a long-term career.
Sir, we also need to ensure that the introduction of CPF does not give rise to discrimination against CPF contributing workers or result in undesirable profiteering behaviour. As these concerns have already been explored in detail by hon Members of the House yesterday, I will not be repeating them here. Instead, I would like to ask three clarifying questions.
First, how will the Government ensure that a platform worker's CPF contribution status is never a relevant factor in a job-matching algorithm?
These guidelines could be developed jointly with platform work associations, platform operators and the Government. Full transparency on how jobs are assigned will be key to ensuring fair and objective job allocation and maintaining the trust between platform operators and platform workers.
And third, platform workers are rightly concerned that platform operators might react to the need to make CPF payments by increasing the commission collected from them or reducing their incentives and bonuses. The introduction of CPF may therefore risk further shrinking the take-home pay of workers in the long run. in light of this, it would be helpful if the Government can share how it envisions this playing out in the long-term and how this risk will be mitigated.
Moving on from CPF, the Bill also covers workplace injury compensation for platform workers. This is a positive inclusion. Safety is a big concern for delivery riders, especially those who use bicycles or e-bikes. Long hours, rushing to complete orders on time and harsh weather conditions put them at a heightened risk of accidents. Similarly, ride-hail drivers face a higher risk of accidents than regular motorists, simply because they are on the road for longer. It is only right that we look after their safety and that we should be comprehensive in our approach.
Beyond addressing workplace injuries, we should also strive to support the overall health and well-being of platform workers to prevent serious injuries. This Bill does not provide platform workers with benefits common to employees, such as sick leave or annual leave. After all, platform workers are not employees.
As touched upon earlier, platform workers, especially younger ones, aged 30 and below, for whom CPF contributions will become compulsory, may worry about their reduced take-home pay. To compensate, they might work longer hours which, by the way, also limits significantly any time for exercise. They then fall ill eventually. After taking time off to recover, they may feel pressured to work even harder to make up for lost time, further adding stress and harming their physical and mental well-being. Over time, this creates a vicious cycle of overwork and exhaustion.
The issue of annual leave and medical benefits for platform workers has been brought up by other hon Members of Parliament (MPs) in the past. I note that Senior Minister of State Koh has shared the reasons for excluding these other benefits in his opening speech yesterday. I certainly understand the need to strike a fine balance. Yet, the risk of burnout remains real. I hope that the Government can carefully consider the inclusion of these benefits in future iterations of the Act or study specific measures to address this gap so that we take better care of platform workers.
Mr Speaker, harassment is yet another issue that drivers and delivery riders face. Platform workers may have to deal with unreasonable behaviour from platform users. For instance, if a restaurant takes too long to prepare food, the delivery rider may be unfairly blamed for the delay and receive lower ratings. Miscommunications between ride-hail drivers and passengers may also occur, such as when the pick-up point is in an unfamiliar spot or is difficult to locate.
These frustrations may result in disagreements, which have the potential to escalate. In 2023 alone, there were more than 200 reported cases of abuse against taxi and private-hire drivers. Ride-hail drivers have to maintain a minimum overall rating to keep their account and be eligible for incentives and bonuses. This is essential for their livelihood. It makes them less likely to retaliate or defend themselves when facing verbal abuse, for fear of poor reviews or complaints. Women drivers are also vulnerable to sexual harassment from passengers.
Yet, platform workers are not protected against harassment under the proposed Bill. They have no recourse. In comparison, some workers in other industries have protections in place. Security officers, for example, are protected from assault and harassment under the Private Security Industry Act. Such protections being legislated sends a strong signal that harassment will not be tolerated.
Given that harassment is a real risk in platform work, will the Government consider including protections from harassment in a future iteration of the Act?
Platform workers deserve to feel safe and have sufficient recourse in the event of harassment. In the healthcare sector, the Tripartite Framework for the Prevention of Abuse and Harassment in Healthcare was launched last December. The framework sets out, I quote, "a standardised, zero-tolerance policy against all forms of abuse and harassment towards healthcare workers".
If not through legislation, I hope that the Government could at least consider modifying and applying such a framework to platform workers too. In doing so, platform operators and platform work associations can collaborate to improve reporting and prevent situations that lead to abuse and harassment.
Let me now briefly touch on the scope of this Bill before I conclude.
I am heartened to know that platform workers will be supported in their retirement planning and in having workplace injury compensation. Under the proposed Bill, "platform service" means a service specified in the First Schedule that is provided through a platform, digital or otherwise, by a platform operator exercising management control in respect of the provision of that service by platform workers.
The meanings of platform service, platform operator and platform worker are drafted broadly enough to potentially apply to a wide range of services, such as caregiving services and cleaning services. However, based on the First Schedule, the two platform services covered in the Bill are limited to delivery service and ride-hail service for now.
There are other platform workers who need to be safeguarded. As an example, I would like to call particular attention to locum nurses, especially those who find work through caregiving platforms. Locum nurses would fall within the definition of platform workers, as they are similarly subject to the management control of platform operators. They help plug the gap of providing home nursing services, especially with our ageing population.
All providers of caregiving services deserve to be recognised; so do other platform workers who provide services that keep us all going. They should be entitled to having their rights, protections and representation provided for. If the Government is considering expanding the scope of the Act in future to provide for more platform workers, it would be helpful to understand the timeline for such amendments.
Mr Speaker, I am glad that we are taking an active step towards looking after the under-served in our workforce. The proposed Bill aims to close the gap between platform workers and their counterparts in a traditional workplace. As we roll out the new measures, I hope that this is just the start of broader efforts to scale up protections and uplift more platform workers. Sir, I support the Bill.
Ms Mariam Jaafar.
Mr Speaker, I rise today in support of our platform workers, who represent a sizeable and growing segment of our workforce and who have become essential to the convenience we often take for granted in our daily lives.
We have heard throughout this debate stories and statistics about the vulnerabilities platform workers face. This Bill seeks to address those vulnerabilities, providing platform workers with baseline protections and hope for a more secure future.
This debate is close to my heart because there are many platform workers living in my constituency, Woodlands. Indeed, when COVID-19 struck, our community centres (CCs) in Woodlands had the longest lines for Temporary Relief Fund grants in the whole country.
Mr Speaker, any reforms must consider the lived experience and needs of those directly affected, that is, the platform workers.
In truth, there is no one face of a platform worker. Our platform workers are a very diverse group with different situations and needs. Some turned to platform work after many failed attempts to land another job. Some turned to platform work to have the flexibility to manage their own time, to accommodate caregiving responsibilities, or simply to have more time with their families. For others, platform work is a side gig to a full-time job to boost their incomes. We have students, working part-time to supplement their family incomes, to pay for school or for additional pocket money.
We have those who struggle to make a decent income, living day-to-day on whatever income they make on any given day. We have heard several times of how for many platform workers, their expenses exceed their income. But we also have what I call the "chiongsters", who have mastered exactly where and when they should be active on which platform to generate the most income.
The two-wheeler segment is very different from the four-wheeler segment and the no-vehicle segment, and within the two-wheeler segment, the motorbike segment is different from the bicycle segment.
So, we must consider all these differences in designing and implementing these reforms. But I hope we can all agree on two basic tenets.
First, platform work should remain part of the landscape. It offers opportunities for thousands of Singaporeans who need or prefer to have the flexibility of setting their own schedules. As an industry, the platform economy must remain sustainable even if there may be some failures or consolidations among the operators.
Second, all workers, employee or self-employed, high-income or low-income, should be treated fairly and with dignity and should have basic protections and a secure future. All workers should be treated fairly and with dignity.
The question before us therefore is not just how to protect these workers, but how to balance their need for flexibility with the need for fairness, security and dignity.
It is clear from this Bill that the Government has captured this balance. This Bill proposes much-needed reforms, including mandatory CPF contributions, extending Work Injury Compensation Act (WICA) and requiring platform operators to take reasonable measures to ensure the safety and health of their platform workers. These measures are not about taking away flexibility but about ensuring that in their pursuit of a livelihood, platform workers are not left without a safety net, because flexibility should not mean insecurity. Flexibility should not mean insecurity.
The Bill recognises that the reforms are important, but so is the real financial impact on platform workers, platform operators and potentially consumers.
Thus, for example, the Bill staggers contribution rates over five years and is supplemented by the PCTS, enhanced a few days ago to fully cover the increase in platform workers' CPF contributions in 2025.
Similarly, a balanced approach will need to be adopted in the proposed safety codes so that they protect the safety and health of platform workers without taking away the flexibility and autonomy that some platform workers want, considering their own personal situations, for example, on scheduling and work hours, or stifling innovation on the part of the platform operators even while they meet the new regulatory requirements.
Mr Speaker, I would like to add my views regarding the concerns that these protections could lead to increased costs for platform operators and that some of these costs might be passed on to consumers or even to the platform workers themselves.
It may be expedient to place the burden on one party – specifically, for the platform operators to absorb all the costs. But a quick look at the numbers in the public domain suggest this could be untenable.
One ride-hailing platform operator, for example, charges 10% commission on trip fares. That means their revenues are 10% of the fares. With the fixed expense deduction ratio of 60% for drivers, the employers' contribution, which is 17% of the platform worker's income, would be 6.8%, or two thirds of the topline of the platform operator. Therefore, having the platform operator bear the full employers' contribution would mean reducing their revenue to about 3% of what it used to be.
Then, there are the WICA payments, plus the cost of compliance for all the new regulations. Is there enough left for this to be sustainable for the platform operator to bear all these costs?
So, yes, there will be costs and yes, some of these costs may indeed likely to be passed on. But let us not forget that we as a society benefit from the services these workers provide. It is only fair that the responsibility of ensuring their protection is shared among all stakeholders – the Government, platform operators and consumers. This will not be an easy balance, but this Government has shown that it will not shy away from doing the right thing. In this case, doing the right thing is making sure that our platform operators, who do so much for us, are not left behind without a safety net.
The Bill also provides a legal framework for platform work associations to represent platform workers. With the enactment of new laws, the platform work associations will play an important role in representing platform workers on these new laws and more broadly, giving platform workers a voice.
In considering the scope for what the platform work associations will intervene in, the associations should take a comprehensive approach, going beyond focusing on the new benefits, health and safety standards as well as prices and incentives schemes to address other things that impact platform workers' rights, well-being and long-term sustainability, including support in improving working conditions, resolving disputes with platform operators and customers, including abuse and harassment, training and career development, and promoting respect, dignity and societal recognition for the contributions of platform workers to society.
On speaking up for workers in their grievances, food delivery riders in Woodlands told me of a particular customer in Woodlands who frequently buys alcohol on the weekends. Every single time, he will report spillage or breakages, resulting in penalties for many, many delivery riders. They have even filed police reports. Yet, the platform has ignored their complaints and they feel there is no way for them to fight back.
Other delivery riders have told me about orders that are too heavy for one rider or stacked orders that force them to go in opposite directions and are impossible to complete within the time limit while private hire drivers have told me about how the cleaning fee given to them for cleaning their vehicles when a passenger throws up in the car barely goes to cover the actual cost of cleaning, let alone the loss of income for the period during which the driver cannot take on passengers while airing the car to eliminate odours.
These may sound like small things to us, but these small things add up and have a real impact on the lived experiences of platform workers and their feelings of fairness, respect and dignity. Platform work associations have a role to play in effecting positive changes in their lives.
Mr Speaker, the provisions of the Bill are both bold yet balanced and therefore should be supported by this House. What is probably more important is how we are going to go about implementing the provisions in a way that is inclusive for all stakeholders, engenders trust and advances long-term benefits for society as well as for the platform workers.
To that end, I have a few questions for the Senior Minister of State.
First, CPF contributions. Given the differences in CPF contribution rates by income and by age, how will the withholding of the platform worker's contribution by the platform operators work? Will it be standardised across all platform operators? Will consideration be given for minimising the burden on the platform worker while balancing efficiency? For example, will the platform operators withhold the maximum rate for everyone even if the platform worker consistently earns below the income thresholds for the maximum rate?
Second, while the phased implementation and enhanced PCTS will greatly help in mitigating the immediate burden on platform workers, will the Senior Minister of State be open to temporary relief measures or adjustments to contribution requirements in future for lower-income platform workers who simply cannot cope under the lower take-home pay?
Third, on WICA. What are the expected WICA costs? How will it take into account the different risk profiles of different platform worker segments? What will be the monitoring and enforcement mechanisms to ensure that platform companies are full complying with new workplace safety and health codes and workplace injury compensation regulations? At the same time, how do we avoid a system of spurious claims?
Fourth, cost and cost sharing. How will the Senior Minister of State ensure that any passing on of costs to consumers by the platform operators is done in a way that is transparent and does not inadvertently create opportunities for profiteering, as well as in a way that is efficient, especially as the staggered roll-out of CPF contributions would lead to several rounds of this?
Fifth, representation. What is the scope of representation that will be undertaken by the platform work associations?
Sixth, financial literacy. Will the Government provide financial literacy programmes or advisory services to help platform workers understand the long-term benefits of CPF contributions and plan for their retirement?
Seventh, innovation. How can we ensure that Singapore remains a hub for innovation in the platform economy? How can the Government encourage platform companies to invest in technology to make platform work safer and more efficient and to develop new services that bring more value to the economy and can help to offset any share of the costs of this Bill that they may incur? How can the Government explore how technology can help platform workers to better track their working hours, manage their CFP contributions and access support services.
Finally, monitoring effectiveness. How will the Government monitor the effectiveness and impacts of these policy changes, including the take-up rate for CPF contributions, the impact on the number of gig jobs, the impact on flexibility for platform workers, the impact on business sustainability for platform operators and the impact on consumer cost? How will the Government ensure that these reforms genuinely improve the lives of platform workers without unintended consequences? What are the longer-term metrics, for example, for home ownership? Mr Speaker, in Malay, please.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Our Malay community is disproportionately represented among platform workers. Like those from other races, some become platform workers because they could not find another job, or another job that will pay them more. But many become platform workers, and remain platform workers, because they value the flexibility that the job allows for them to spend more time with their families, or to fulfil caregiving responsibilities for their children or aged parents.
A common issue among platform workers is that they have very little CPF. I often hear people say that they prefer to manage their own money and save on this own, that they don’t want their money locked away. Some say that they don’t make enough to set aside money in CPF.
For older workers who have paid off their housing loans, or workers who have spouses or other family members who have CPF, it is perhaps not such an issue. But for others, especially the younger workers looking to start or grow their families, they cannot leverage on CPF to buy a flat or to hold on a flat. Which make it that more difficult.
I met a resident in a desperate financial situation. Her husband, who was the sole breadwinner as a food delivery rider had recently passed away from illness, and she was on the verge of losing the HDB flat she lived in with her four young children. The arrears had started accumulating when he fell sick. Her late husband could not work and his medical treatments drained their savings as he had no insurance. Because he had not been making regular CPF contributions, he had not kept up with his Home Protection Scheme (HPS) payments, and the cover had lapsed.
In this one example, you see all the vulnerabilities of being a platform worker, with no protections for healthcare, housing or insurance. This should not be the case, and we should all support this Bill that gives platform workers these basic protections. The employer contribution of CPF, at 17%, significantly increases the amount of CPF available for housing, and will help platform workers save for a house more quickly or save for retirement. Thus, it is important to improve understanding of the long term benefits of CPF and how it works, among platform workers in our community.
Like Woodlands resident Mr K, in his 50s. He became a food delivery rider after he suffered a stroke. While he recovered from his stroke, he and his employer mutually agreed that it was best he leave the company. For him, food delivery has given him a lifeline to continue to earn a living, where he could work when he felt up to it and stop when he couldn’t. Because of his brush with a major health condition, he has been making CPF contributions of $200 a month since he started work as a food delivery rider. It’s for my future he said, if I cannot work anymore, or if anything happens to me again. Part of his CPF goes to paying for Medishield. He knows it’s important. Mr K looks forward to the proposed amendments, in particular the employer CPF contribution, WICA, and the prospect of greater representation.
I asked Mr K: will you like your son to work in the gig economy? The young generation is different, he said. They will have more opportunities, more options.
And this is what we must never stop striving for. More opportunities, more options, for workers, especially the young, in our community, who have a long career ahead of them. Even while we provide much needed protection and security for the platform workers of today, we must ensure that we do not stop providing opportunities for all workers to gain new relevant skills in the fast changing economy of tomorrow. Because the ultimate job security is employability. We must also ensure that we must press on in providing more flexible work arrangements within traditional employment, that can better accommodate family and caregiving needs, so the gig economy is not the only option for flexibility. It is and must remain an option, but not the only option.
So, we must continue to revisit our labour policies and processes from time to time. We must continue to improve financial literacy in our community. We must make sure that our policy making is inclusive and the voices of our community are represented.
(In English): In conclusion, Mr Speaker, as we move forward together and forge our new social compact, we must not lose sight of the values that define us as a nation: fairness, justice and care for one another. Platform workers deserve the same dignity, respect, protections as any other worker, and this Bill is an important step in ensuring that.
Let us not only support the livelihoods of our gig workers but also secure their futures. For the delivery rider who rides through the rain to bring you your dinner, for the private hire vehicle driver who works late into the night to support his family, this Bill is about giving them the security they need without taking away the flexibility they value. Mr Speaker, I support the Bill.
Mr Neil Parekh.
Mr Speaker, Sir, thank you for allowing me to speak on the Platform Workers Bill.
This Bill rightfully acknowledges the crucial role platform workers play and seeks to address some of the issues they face. It is worth emphasising the significance of their role in Singapore's economy.
During the pandemic lockdown, they became essential to our daily lives, ensuring the continuity of services and even boosting Singapore's productivity. When the circuit breaker was in place, our food delivery riders and companies were at the forefront, delivering tens of thousands of food orders all over Singapore, especially for those who were in quarantine. Not only did these workers alleviate the difficulty of individuals in quarantine, these unsung heroes also ensured that food and beverage (F&B) businesses stayed afloat, by continuing with their takeaway businesses. This Bill before the House recognises them and formalises them as key players in our economy.
Sir, allow me to share some benefits of this legislation. This Bill is an important milestone for the community of platform workers because the various associations currently representing them would be able to negotiate collectively for them, better represent them in disputes and provide them with better support services.
It signals a positive shift, one that recognises not just their contributions but their rightful place within our economic framework. By strengthening worker protection, this Bill paves the way for a more stable and satisfied workforce, with expected outcomes, such as enhanced productivity and reduced turnover in sectors heavily reliant on gig and platform-based work.
In my view, this new legislation also benefits employers. For businesses and business owners, this Bill can lead to better relationships between businesses and their platform workers, as the regulations provide clearer guidelines on rights and responsibilities. This could result in higher worker satisfaction and loyalty.
There is also legal certainty. By formalising the rights and obligations of platform workers and operators, the Bill reduces legal ambiguities. Businesses can operate with more confidence, knowing they comply with regulations, which can help avoid potential legal disputes.
Furthermore, businesses which comply with the new regulations might gain a better reputation among consumers and workers, who value fair treatment and worker protection. This could attract more customers and better performing workers to the respective platforms. The regulation of platform operators also ensures a level playing field, preventing unfair practices and promoting healthy competition within the digital economy. This will stimulate innovation and improve efficiency among platform service providers. This Bill also can lead to the development of new business models and services within the gig economy, contributing to the diversification of Singapore's economy.
Sir, I now turn to some clarifications for the Senior Minister of State. My concern is that compliance with the new regulations might increase operational costs for platform operators. This could lead to higher costs for consumers and will reduce margins for businesses, potentially impacting the competitiveness of Singapore-based platforms.
One, will there be any Government support measures and assistance to help these businesses? Two, does this Bill apply to all types of platform services, including those that are emerging or certainly are less common? Three, are there any exemptions for certain types of platforms or services and, if so, what are the criteria for these exemptions? Four, how will the Bill affect existing contracts between platform operators and workers? Will there be a transition period for compliance? Five, what happens if a current platform work agreement conflicts with the provisions of the Bill? I recognise that effective implementation and enforcement of the Bill’s provisions may require significant additional resources to ensure that all platform operators comply with the regulations. Six, how does the Ministry hope to ensure the seamless execution of these new regulations? Lastly, are there any plans for a separate division within MOM to address the needs of the gig economy for the long term?
Mr Speaker, Sir, notwithstanding these clarifications, this Bill has my strong support.
Mr Mark Lee.
Mr Speaker, Sir, in Mandarin, please.
(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] The number of Singapore platform workers in Singapore fell from 88,400 to 70,500 last year, accounting for 2.9% of our resident labour force. These figures reflect a return to pre-pandemic 2019 levels, suggesting that we may be observing a steady-state situation for platform work in Singapore.
However, despite this decline, platform operators and workers continue to have a disproportionately large impact on both our economy and society. The services they provide remain essential to many aspects of daily life and it is in this context that the Platform Workers Bill takes on heightened significance.
The merit of this Bill lies in its balance. It alleviates cost pressures on our platform operators which might otherwise lead to reduced job opportunities or, in a worse case, business closures. At the same time, it ensures that our platform workers receive basic employment protections, such as income security and workplace safety.
(In English): The Bill, however, adopts an exclusive definition of platform services currently limited to delivery and ride-hailing services. As such, I would like to raise an essential clarification. With other emerging and growing platform services, such as cleaning and caregiving that may either presently or in the near future meet the same defined criteria, what process or mechanism is in place to potentially expand the coverage of the Bill to these sectors? The evolution of the platform economy means that new types of services will inevitably emerge. It is essential that we anticipate this by ensuring the flexibility of the Bill to respond to future developments.
The second point I wish to address concerns the requirements placed on platform operators to provide work injury compensation insurance and ensure that platform workers require adequate training. These are crucial protections, but platform workers often provide their services across multiple operators, which raises a key question. Is there a national mechanism that coordinates insurance coverage and training across operators? Without such coordination, we risk unnecessary duplication of costs which will likely be passed on to both platform operators and, eventually, consumers. A centralised or coordinated approach could help streamline these processes, reducing costs for all stakeholders while ensuring that platform workers are adequately protected.
I now turn to the potential impact of the Platform Workers Bill on our broader workforce. The Bill has the potential to level the playing field between platform operators and traditional employers by ensuring that platform workers receive equitable protections and CPF contributions. This will support their housing and retirement adequacy. While the impact on employment preferences may be varied, some platform workers might choose to transition back to more traditional employment sectors for better long-term career prospects.
To facilitate this transition, can the Government consider expanding the scope of existing programmes like WSG's Career Conversion Programmes (CCPs) as well as the Mid-Career Pathways Programmes administered by the Singapore Business Federation to create an accelerated, effective pathway for platform workers seeking new opportunities in traditional sectors and supporting their career transition? Currently, these programmes already offer structured training, salary support and job placement assistance, which could be adapted to the needs of platform workers looking to reskill and move back into traditional roles.
Can we help our platform workers transition more efficiently by pre-identifying CCPs that platform workers can tap into since there are over 100 CCPs available today? These could be focused on adjacent roles, such as transport and logistics, or even retail and F&B, which can offer opportunities for those seeking new career options.
Importantly, can these programmes be tailored to more workplace-based training and less classroom-based training? This hands-on training element will help ramp up the onboarding process and ensure a fast and efficient transition into new roles and helping close the manpower gaps that some sectors are currently experiencing.
Finally, I wish to address the economic implications of the Bill, particularly for small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The additional costs imposed on platform operators, such as the requirements for insurance and CPF contributions, will inevitably lead to higher service costs. This is particularly concerning for smaller businesses, which may already be operating on tight margins and lack the resources to absorb such costs internally. Based on the recent Singapore Business Federation National Business Survey, nearly half of businesses remain uncertain about their future prospects, with 33% of SMEs and 24% of large companies reporting declining performance over the last year.
The increased costs resulting from the Bill are likely to affect SMEs more acutely, as they often rely on platform services due to their limited ability to manage their functions inhouse. Will the Government be actively monitoring SMEs on the ground to ensure that any cost increases resulting from the Platform Workers Bill are effectively managed? Additionally, can the Government collaborate with trade associations and businesses to explore comprehensive support mechanisms, such as subsidies, tax relief or any other measures to help alleviate cost pressures and maintain the competitiveness of SMEs in this challenging landscape? At the same time, will enhanced measures be put in place to ensure that businesses do not resort to unnecessary price hikes, thus protecting consumers from unjustified cost transfers while maintaining fair pricing practices?
Sir, the Platform Workers Bill represents an important milestone as we seek to create a more equitable framework for both platform workers and operators. Although the Bill has been years in the making, it reflects Singapore’s ability, agility and responsiveness in adapting to the evolving needs of our workforce and business environment.
I commend the tripartite partners for their collaborative efforts in shaping a Bill that seeks to balance the interests of all stakeholders. As we move forward, I encourage continuous engagement among the Government, businesses and workers to ensure that the Bill remains adaptable to a rapidly changing landscape of the platform economy.
Mr Speaker, Sir, notwithstanding the questions I have raised and the recommendations I have made, I express my support for the Bill.
Ms Usha Chandradas.
Mr Speaker, Sir, the Platform Workers Bill provides long overdue support to workers in the gig economy and I stand in support of this new piece of legislation. I do, nonetheless, have some questions for the Senior Minister of State on the scope of the Bill and on potential future developments.
First, I note that the First Schedule of the Bill restricts the definition of “platform services” to only delivery and ride-hail services. As the Association of Women for Action and Research, or AWARE, has pointed out in its response to the public consultation on this Bill, the Bill excludes other types of services that are delivered via online platforms. Some examples of these include beauty and grooming services, caregiving services and house cleaning services. These types of platform services will not fall within the definition set out in the First Schedule of the proposed Bill.
Accordingly, workers in these categories of services will not be covered by the protective measures outlined in the Bill today. Platform workers in the delivery and ride-hailing sectors tend to be male, whereas a greater proportion of workers in the areas of beauty, grooming, caregiving and cleaning services tend to be female. So, if we consider the framing of the Bill from this perspective, it appears that a good number of female platform workers may not actually be able to benefit from the protections offered by this new law.
So, my first clarification for the Senior Minister of State is why these types of platform workers have been excluded from the scope of the Bill? I would also like to ask if there are future plans to include a wider range of platforms for the delivery of services within the ambit of this Bill. This is a point that has been raised by a number of Members, and I join them, too, in raising my concerns.
My second clarification has to do with the term “human intervention on a regular or routine basis,” as set out in clause 6 of the Bill. Could the Government clarify what the threshold would be for human intervention that is considered to be “regular or routine”, such that this type of intervention would remove the platform concerned from the scope of the Bill?
My next set of questions has to do with gender and other imbalances in the gig economy, especially where digital platforms are concerned. AWARE’s submission, which I referred to earlier, makes important points about the functionality of platform services which the present Bill does not seem to overtly address. Ride-hail platforms, for example, generally prioritise job assignments based on driver ratings. This is something that is determined by both the platform’s algorithms and by client reviews. The theory here is that workers will be incentivised to provide good service so as not to achieve poor ratings. On the flip side of things, platform workers may not themselves be adequately protected from harassment and discrimination if unfair complaints are made by malicious customers. The hope, presumably, is that these kinds of grievances can be taken up by platform work associations, which are provided for in Part 3 of the Bill. I seek the Government’s confirmation that this an area that platform work associations will be actively looking into.
The next point I would like to make is that while we may assume that platforms are gender-blind and merely match customers and workers in the most efficient way, the design of these platforms can inadvertently result in gender imbalances being perpetuated. To put it another way, digital labour platforms are built using real-world data, but we must not forget that the real world is itself full of biases and imbalances.
For example, if workers have unpredictable caregiving responsibilities and need to suddenly cancel their work assignments because of these responsibilities, they may accordingly be penalised by platforms which operate by automatically allocating tasks to workers. Similarly, if ride-hail or delivery workers choose to decline jobs that take place late at night or in areas where they feel it is unsafe to work, they will lose out on potential job opportunities.
Algorithms, of course, are built in such a way that where there is less supply, the prices charged to consumers are much higher. So, there is an opportunity to earn more if you take on work that other people either do not want to do or cannot do. This leads to a situation where workers who are either willing to put themselves at risk or who perhaps feel that they can handle these risks better, well, they have the potential to earn more than others who do not. Given that women still tend to take on the lion’s share of caregiving responsibilities in society and given that women are also a group who may be exposed to higher levels of risks when working alone in remote areas or late into the night, the overall outcome is then a situation where gender pay imbalances can continue to be perpetuated even in the realm of platform work.
AWARE recommends that it be mandated that algorithms and rating systems be designed in a gender-sensitive way. This is one possible solution but the more fundamental issue, to me, is in basically ensuring that platform workers are treated equitably and are not unfairly penalised for things like caregiving responsibilities and for prioritising their own safety. The Platform Workers Bill being debated today does not seem to address this specific point, but I hope that the Government will advocate for this when dealing with platform operators.
The next point I would like to make is a broader one. While the Bill today addresses the problems faced by certain types of platform workers, let us not forget that there are other specific communities which are also made up of a large number of freelancers. As I have mentioned previously in this House, and other Members have as well, in the arts, according to the latest Singapore Arts Plan, at least one-third of the workforce operates on a self-employed basis. Again, it is a well-known fact that this is higher than the national average, which stands at less than one in five. In fact, in many research reports and articles, artists are often referred to as the “original gig economy workers.”
Admittedly, platform workers are not exactly the same as arts freelancers, certainly in the way that they have been defined for the purposes of the Bill today, but the two groups do face similar stresses. Arts freelancers often worry about retirement adequacy, they have little to no bargaining power when negotiating contracts, they are not entitled to protection under the Employment Act and WICA, they have little recourse when contractual disputes occur because it can be costly and time-consuming to pursue legal action and they may not have access to work insurance coverage. This is all information and feedback that is well-known to the Government through its many engagement sessions over a number of years with the arts community.
And there are examples that we can draw from in jurisdictions that have enacted specific laws to protect freelancers like this. In New York City, the “Freelance Isn’t Free Act” protects the entitlement of freelancers to written contracts, timely and full payment and provides protection from retaliation for individuals who exercise their rights under the law. In Illinois, also in the United States (US), the Freelance Worker Protection Act offers similar safeguards. Closer to home, in Korea, the Artist Welfare Act seeks to protect artists’ job security and rights in areas, such as contractual arrangements and work injury compensation.
So, while I welcome and support the Platform Workers Bill, I would also like to take the opportunity today to ask the Senior Minister of State if this important piece of legislation can be seen as a step towards providing better workplace conditions for a wider group of self-employed individuals and, in particular, those in the arts community?
The usual argument that is applied here is that freelancers are expected to make sacrifices in exchange for flexibility, but these kinds of views are so much harder to sustain in a post-COVID world. Now even workers in traditional employer-employee relationships seek more personal autonomy and flexible work arrangements.
The very Bill that we are debating today, recognises that certain types of freelancers do require legislative help in safeguarding their rights; and these are rights that we would normally see being protected only in traditional employer-employee relationships.
And so, my final clarification is this: would the Senior Minister of State consider extending legislative protection to more groups of freelancers in the future and in particular, to the arts community, which itself can also be quite a vulnerable group?
Notwithstanding these clarifications I support the Bill.
Mr Mohd Fahmi Aliman.
Mr Speaker, in Malay, please.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Mr Speaker, the Platform Workers Bill is essential to acknowledge the profound impact of the digital economy on the global labour market. In Singapore, the rise of platform work has underscored the urgency of addressing new challenges in ensuring decent working conditions, fair wages, comprehensive social security coverage, and robust workers' rights.
The rapid expansion of platform based work has necessitated a re-evaluation of our existing framework to safeguard the interests of these workers who are increasingly becoming important in our economy.
The labour movement warmly welcomes the Ministry of Manpower's initiative to strengthen protections for platform workers via the introduction of the CPF contributions and WICA coverage similar to employees. These moves represent a significant milestone, emerging from years of advocacy and collaborative efforts with the Labour Movement and the tripartite partners, to address key issues and develop a mutually agreeable approach to platform work in Singapore.
While this legislative step is indeed a positive advancement, it is important to recognise that there is still room for further improvement. We must continue to refine our strategies and policies to ensure that the evolving needs of platform workers are met with the utmost fairness and efficiency.
Mr Speaker, the Labour Movement is notably pleased to see the implementation of the CPF Transition Support Scheme, which signifies a crucial step forward in supporting low-wage platform workers. This initiative, set to fully offset the increase in CPF contributions to the Ordinary and Special Accounts in 2025 and, gradually taper off until 2029, is an important measure to ensure that these workers are not unduly burdened by the changes in CPF contribution requirements.
Platform workers, particularly those in lower-income brackets, face unique challenges in securing their financial future. The Labour Movement has consistently advocated for measures that protect their interests, ensuring that they receive fair treatment and support in navigating these changes. The CPF Transition Support Scheme reflects the responsiveness of MOM and the CPF Board (CPFB) to the feedback provided by our Associations.
This phased approach is particularly significant as it allows platform workers time to adapt to the new contribution structure while still securing the benefits that come with enhanced CPF contributions. The Labour Movement views this as a positive development that underscores the importance of collaborative dialogue between government bodies and worker representatives in shaping policies that are both fair and sustainable.
The Labour Movement also warmly welcomes enhancements to the WIS scheme, particularly the shift from annual to monthly disbursements for eligible platform workers. This change, alongside the eventual alignment of CPF contribution rates between platform workers and employees, ensures that platform workers will receive the same level of WIS benefits as traditional employees, including higher WIS amounts and a larger proportion of the supplement in cash.
These adjustments are particularly beneficial for low-wage workers, addressing both their immediate financial needs and long-term financial security. The transition to monthly WIS payments is a significant step for low-wage platform workers, who often face unpredictable income patterns due to the nature of gig work.
By receiving WIS on a monthly basis, these workers will have a more consistent and reliable source of income, helping them to better manage their day-to-day expenses and financial planning. These enhancements not only provide immediate financial relief but also contribute to the workers’ long-term financial well-being by bolstering their CPF savings, which are essential for retirement.
Mr Speaker, without CPF contributions, many may find themselves without sufficient savings to support themselves in their later years, particularly if they rely on platform work as their main source of income.
Opting into CPF not only helps build a safety net for the future but also provides immediate benefits such as access to healthcare, housing, and other essential needs. Platform workers who opt in this scheme will benefit from CPF contributions from platforms of up to 17% of their earnings. Given the importance of securing their financial future, it is essential that the government steps up its efforts to encourage platform workers in this age group (30 years old and above) to opt into CPF.
The Government must recognise the unique challenges and concerns that platform workers face and ensure that the CPF system is viewed as a vital component of their financial planning. This requires a multi-faceted approach that includes comprehensive educational campaigns and targeted outreach programs to help platform workers understand the long-term benefits of CPF contributions.
There is a genuine concern that these workers may be offered fewer job opportunities or lower earnings if they choose to participate fully in the CPF system. To mitigate these fears, the government should collaborate closely with platform operators to ensure that CPF participation does not lead to any form of disadvantage for workers. By implementing policies that protect platform workers from potential discrimination and by engaging in clear communication with both workers and operators, the government can create an environment, where opting into CPF is seen as the best choice.
This will not only help platform workers secure a better financial future but also contribute to a more stable and equitable labour market. The time to act is now, and the government must lead the way in making CPF participation a priority for all platform workers. Platform workers face constant pressure to work longer hours just to earn a living and this means that many platform workers find it challenging to invest time and resources in personal development and career growth.
This lack of progression not only affects their current financial stability but also hampers their ability to transition into more sustainable and fulfilling careers. The Government has a crucial role to play in addressing these challenges. There should be a more comprehensive strategy aimed at improving the career prospects of platform workers who wish to move beyond gig work.
This includes providing targeted upskilling programs and career transition support. By offering vocational training and educational opportunities tailored to the needs of platform workers, the government can help them acquire new skills and qualifications that are in demand in other sectors. Additionally, creating pathways for mentorship and career counselling can assist these workers in navigating the job market and identifying potential career opportunities.
For example, take Geylang Serai resident Mr. Naseer, who left his job as an operations manager November last year. Since then, he has struggled with unemployment and relied on ad hoc security gigs and occasional platform work to support his family.
Despite his efforts, the limited career progression in platform work made it difficult for him to build a stable future. However, with the support of the Greenlane initiative through Focus Area 4 under M3, Mr. Naseer secured a new job in April this year as a customer operations manager and remains optimistic about his future. This story highlights the importance of targeted support programs that can help workers like him make the transition from platform work to more stable and rewarding careers.
Investing in these programs not only benefits the individuals directly but also contributes to a more resilient and dynamic workforce overall.
Some platform workers are still unsure, especially in relation to their working conditions and terms imposed by platform operators. It is thus important that this Bill empowers platform workers to voice their concerns about fairer payment terms and incentive-based policies, their workplace health and safety, and fairer and more transparent penalty policies by platforms.
To our platform workers: our Associations, such as the National Taxi Association (NTA), National Private Hire Vehicles Associations (NPHVA) and National Delivery Champions Association (NDCA), have been working hard to improve your welfare behind the scenes. We now have the power to speak up and take action to protect you. We can negotiate for fairer treatment by platforms. When you have grievances with platforms, we can step in to support you. We cannot do this on our own, but we can do it together. Join us to make your voices count.
(In English): Mr Speaker, in conclusion, the Labour Movement warmly welcomes the recognition of the challenges faced by the platform workers through the implementation of initiatives, such as the PCTS and WIS Support scheme. These measures are a significant step forward in acknowledging and addressing the issues of employee protection within the gig economy.
However, we must recognise that the more comprehensive efforts are needed to address the broader clarity face by platform workers. NTUC deeply cares for our platform workers, especially those who are lower-wage roles, and is committed to make a tangible difference in their lives. We believe that encouraging younger workers to actively opt in into the CPF system, enhancing job prospects through targeted upskilling and career development programmes, are crucial steps in this process. By doing so, we can help platform workers navigate the evolving job market and secure more stable and fulfilling careers.
Speaker, Sir, the Labour Movement, comprising unionists, association leaders and NTUC, have worked hard with the tripartite partners to bring this Bill to fruition. Without tripartism and symbolic relationship with the People's Action Party (PAP), this will not be possible. We have seen examples of other countries, where the unions, companies and government cannot agree on the protection needed for platform workers. In the end, the platform workers are the ones who suffer.
Today, we are proof that Singapore's model of tripartism works to achieve progressive pro-worker outcomes. Together, we can build a more equitable and resilient workforce, ensuring no one is left behind in the face of economic change. With NTUC and our associations, let us continue to listen to the voice of our platform workers to not only address the immediate challenges faced by the platform workers, but also pave the way from a brighter and more secure future for all.
NTUC will continue to champion their interests because every platform worker matters. Speaker, Sir, I support the Bill.
Dr Syed Harun.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I believe, without exception, all of us have been acquainted personally with the ease of a platform service. With the click of a button, we have our food delivered to our doorstep. Another click books our trip to or from home. And yet another click could ensure a timely parcel delivery or a quick retrieval of important documents.
The platform service is so efficient, straightforward and with an interface that is easy to use that often, we have come to rely on it as part of our daily lives.
The process is seamless and almost automatic. The service platform also allows us to get what we want, when we want it and how we want it. We also felt its special utility during the COVID-19 pandemic, to go "contactless" and that the delivery can be made without human contact or much further instruction. We specify the need, make the order and hey presto, it appears at our doorstep. We decide the destination and agree on the payment and the ride arrives and sends us to the destination with much fuss or kerfuffle.
So easy it is to use a platform service that sometimes, we forget the human in the loop, which is why I feel this Bill and the Platform Workers Act is overdue.
Platform workers often choose such gig jobs for flexibility of time but this need for flexibility also sometimes arises from a function of their harsh life circumstances and not necessarily by way of their preferred choice. It comes with challenges, including job insecurity, social isolation, irregular work hours and long days. Any injury or illness, a family emergency or unexpected vehicular breakdown can have a very direct impact on our platform workers and without the same sense of safety net and security salaried workers have and are protected for.
Because in platform work it is suggested that the more you work the more you earn, it is also tempting to work more and more such that the platform worker, at least, in the moment, may consider disregarding his own safety, health and welfare to make that delivery or service count and bring that additional dollar back home.
Add that to the contactless nature of how platform services work, that a delivery that can almost feel automatic and be bereft of any human interaction, the lack of collective bargaining power that platform workers have to put their welfare first in this line of work and an imbalance of power and control between platform companies and workers, it really puts us on the path of potentially dehumanising our platform workers if we leave things be as they are.
Mr Speaker, that is why the Platform Workers Bill and future Act is important, to protect the dignity of work and ensure a more fair and equitable support structure for our platform workers. To that end, I thank the MOM for looking into this very important area for platform workers alongside the unions, employers and other tripartite partners. Mr Speaker, in Malay, please.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] This Bill gives due weight and attention towards platform workers. Many of them work hard and are often drenched in perspiration just to earn a living, sometimes disregarding the risks to their own health and safety.
When a platform service relies on an algorithm without any direct human involvement; when there is lesser human interaction, either between the service users, the platform workers or the platform operators; and when a service can be accepted or fulfilled in a contactless way or without human contact; we can easily forget about having compassion for the platform workers behind these services.
Sometimes, as consumers, we might pay more attention on getting our orders fulfilled through the platform’s application, without thinking about the circumstances, fatigue and hardship experienced by platform workers who are also challenged by traffic or weather conditions, as well as the time pressure to fulfil the service.
This Bill focuses specifically on the basic needs of platform workers. It zooms in on compensation for work injuries in line with WICA standards, enhances their CPF contribution and provides for the establishment of a representative body for platform workers.
This is key in enhancing the well-being of the platform workers, especially for the lower income group. It further reinforces the emphasis and responsibility of platform operators so that they show more concern towards the needs of this sector, in terms of the workers’ rights, employment, safety and health issues.
This Bill also specifically focuses on addressing concerns and dealing with their long-term insecurities as platform workers, so that it is equal to and aligned with workers in other industries.
I hope this the first of many concrete measures for our platform workers to raise awareness on the importance of platform workers in our economy, thus showing our appreciation for the hard work and determination they show every day to earn a living. It is a very important step to provide justice and equality to our platform workers.
(In English): Mr Speaker, before I end, I have two clarifications for the purposes of this Bill.
First, as also mentioned and similar to the points raised by hon Member prior, relating to the wide definition of the meaning of platform service, operator and the worker, I note that the First Schedule only specifies delivery and ride-hail services today. However, based on the meaning of platform service and platform operator, it does cover a broad definition that can be applied today to other types of services that may use similar platforms, but are not yet articulated in the First Schedule.
These could include household cleaning services, counselling, psychology and caregiving services, or even possibly overlap with certain professional services, such as home nursing and medical services, some already available through mobile applications. These platform services allow for ready provision of such services, have a platform operator already exercising management control of the particular service and also engage workers or professionals providing that service.
Is it envisioned, as technology further evolves, and more of such services can and will be delivered and made accessible through platform-based services, that the workers or professionals providing that specific service be considered as platform workers too under this Bill?
This is because such workers or professionals, like their delivery and ride-hailing services counterparts, may opt for a flexible work arrangement, not wish to be tied to a traditional brick-and-mortar employer or institution and may well fall under the remit of a platform worker as we define it in this Bill today.
Second, Mr Speaker, there would be some anxiety of workers, employers and users alike regarding the eventual implementation of Act.
For platform workers, there are concerns about how CPF contributions could impact, especially in the short to medium term, how much they will bring home each month in real terms to support their needs and their families.
For employers or platform operators, there are concerns about costs associated with the regulatory requirements from CPF contributions, WICA and the Workplace Safety and Health (WSH) Act.
The costs of business will likely increase and ensuring their platforms and systems transit to the new model of engagement with their workers will require some time and effort.
Lastly, for users, at the last mile, it is also unclear how it will impact delivery charges and whether the availability of such services will be affected in the short term. In this regard, I hope the Ministry can assure members, platform workers, employers and the public on the forward steps to be taken to ameliorate these concerns such that the transition to effecting this Bill, which I believe remains an important pillar for our platform workers, is done smoothly.
Mr Speaker, notwithstanding my comments and clarifications, I rise in support of this Bill.
Mr Ang Wei Neng.
Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise in support of the Platform Worker Bills. First, I wish to declare my interest as the CEO of Strides Premier, a company that hires out limousines, private hire cars and taxis.
New technology has created new jobs and platform work is one of them. Today, over 70,000 platform workers in Singapore are working very hard every day to provide essential services and they deserve our support.
However, many platform operators in Singapore are still struggling financially. In 2023, last year, Grab reported a loss of $485 million and Delivery Hero, the parent company of Foodpanda, lost 2.3 billion euros. These figures highlight the uncertainties faced by platform workers, who have little control over their financial security. I am heartened to see that sections 16 to 18 of the Bill prioritise payments to platform workers over most other debts if a platform operator goes bankrupt. Without this protection, many workers would be left vulnerable and unable to recover what is rightfully theirs.
The most notable part of the Bill is Part 3, which paves the way for the formation of platform work associations. NTUC has already announced its intention to register a new platform work association with MOM, which will formally represent platform workers and dissolve the National Private Hire Vehicles Association, National Delivery Champions Association and the National Taxi Association, which has the longest history. These new associations will give platform workers a voice, a place where their concerns are heard and their needs are addressed. This is a significant milestone for a group that has often felt unheard and they can now be more appropriately represented by the new platform work associations.
I recall knowing one particular taxi driver who used to deliver for GrabFood. For some reasons, he was banned from the GrabFood platform. When he switched to becoming a taxi driver, he found himself banned from GrabCar and GrabTaxi platforms as well, even though these services were not directly linked to GrabFood platform. In this case, I had to appeal on his behalf. With the new platform work associations, platform workers like him will have someone to turn to. Platform workers will be better protected, no longer left to fend for themselves.
If the Platform Worker Bill is passed, platform workers will also be required to contribute to their CPF accounts. While this may mean a slight drop in their take-home pay, it ultimately secures their future with higher overall earnings from the CPF contributions to the platform operators. The CPF contributions will help in their housing and retirement needs. Thus, I applaud the Government's initiative to offset 100% of the increase in CPF contributions to the Ordinary and Special Accounts for low-income platform workers in 2025, making this transition smoother for those who need it most.
I also commend the move to keep CPF contribution rates consistent for platform workers below 65 from 2025 to 2027 as mandated in the Fourth Schedule. This is a positive departure from the current practice, where employers contribute less for those aged 55 to 65 compared to younger workers. Many of us, especially those in this House, agree that the 60s today are the new 50s. People are healthier, active and can contribute just as much as their younger counterparts. This is one of the reasons why MOM is raising the retirement age. I urge MOM to consider raising the employer's CPF contribution rates for all Singaporean employees aged 55 to 65 to match those below 55, aligning with the standards MOM imposed on platform operators.
There was once an argument that older workers between 55 and 65 were less productive, making them less attractive hires. However, with the tight labour market and no significant drop in the productivity for this age group, most employers no longer consider lower CPF contribution rates for the older workers as a critical factor in hiring decisions. I urge MOM to stand firm in protecting our older workers by raising their employer's CPF contribution rates, ensuring that they receive the same respect and support as their younger colleagues. Perhaps, the Government Service, being the largest employer in Singapore, can take the lead.
Let us return to our platform workers. Currently, they are paid based on their productivity. Whether it is a 30-year-old or a 65-year-old private hire driver, their job is to safely transport passengers from point A to point B. Similarly, whether food is delivered by a younger platform worker or an older one, the service remains the same. Age should not dictate the value of their work.
So, why should platform operators contribute less to older platform workers' CPF after 2027 when their productivity per job basis remains unchanged? I urge MOM to consider maintaining the platform operator's CPF contribution rate for platform workers below 65, even beyond 2027.
For those above 65, some may argue that they are more prone to workplace injuries, potentially leading to higher insurance costs. In such cases, a slightly lower CPF contribution rate might be justified, but we should always strive to balance fairness with practicality. Mr Speaker, Sir, in Mandarin, please.
(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] If the Platform Workers Bill is passed, it will be a historic turning point, providing better protection for 70,000 platform workers. To safeguard platform workers' housing and retirement needs, those under 30 will need to contribute to their CPF while platform operators must also make employer's CPF contributions for platform workers. Although platform workers' take-home pay will decrease, however, with the addition of CPF contributions from the platform operators, they will have more CPF funds to buy a home and accumulate more savings for retirement.
Additionally, the Bill requires platform operators to purchase workplace injury compensation insurance for platform workers to better protect their interests if work-related injuries happen. However, the cost will ultimately be borne by someone. Will platform operators transfer this increased cost to consumers? In other words, will private hire car fares increase? Will food delivery fees be raised as a result? These are important issues we must pay attention to.
Especially in Singapore, most platform operators are still operating at a loss and are struggling to become profitable. Therefore, I would like to ask the Senior Minister of State what specific measures can be taken to curb platform operators from raising prices and passing on the increased cost to consumers?
Furthermore, platform operators may also reduce benefits for platform workers in order to lower their operating cost. If this happens, platform workers will be affected and will not be able to enjoy the protection they deserve. I would like to ask the Senior Minister of State, how can we ensure that platform workers do not lose their rightful benefits because of the free market forces?
(In English): Mr Speaker, Sir, I have four further clarifications.
Firstly, does the Bill empower the new platform work associations to negotiate with taxi companies that are not platform operators? If so, can the new platform work associations also negotiate with private hire car rental companies, which are prevalent and currently not regulated by the Land Transport Authority (LTA)?
Secondly, how many platform workers are non-Singaporeans? While private hire car and taxi driving is limited to Singaporeans, many delivery workers are permanent residents (PRs). Will the platform work associations represent these PRs?
Thirdly, section 39(4) states that at least two-thirds of the officers of every registered platform work association must be active platform service providers. Why two-thirds? Should this proportion not be higher, given that the associations are meant for platform workers? In addition, should officers of these platform work associations be required to work a minimum number of hours each month to better stay connected and relevant to the platform workers?
Fourthly, the Ninth Schedule amends the WICA 2019 to mandate platform operators' liability for work injury compensation. This is particularly beneficial to food delivery workers, who currently lack insurance coverage. However, for platform drivers, injuries from road accidents could be covered under a car insurance policy if the driver is not at fault. How would MOM advise platform drivers on whether to claim through their car insurance or the work injury compensation insurance for road accidents?
Despite my above clarifications and suggestions, I firmly support the Bill. This is about recognising the hard work and contributions of platform workers and giving them the protection and respect they deserve.
Mr Gan Thiam Poh.
Mr Speaker, Sir, I strongly support the Bill. Our platform workers perform important services utilised by many Singaporeans and residents. They should be accorded similar protections and benefits as employees in similar wage bands. The proposals in the Bill are greatly welcomed since they will help boost their retirement and housing adequacies and get the necessary compensation and representation.
I am heartened that many of the suggestions, feedback and appeals by my Parliamentary colleagues and me to improve the welfare of platform workers over the past few years have been incorporated into this Bill.
For example, in May 2021, I had requested the Ministry through a written Parliamentary Question to enact legislation to require companies hiring platform workers to recognise them as employees so that they can get the corresponding benefits and cover them for personal accident insurance.
Hence, I am delighted with the Ministry's decision to gradually align CPF contribution rates of platform workers with employees and require platform operators to purchase work injury compensation insurance for their platform workers. My residents in Fernvale will certainly be delighted to know that this law will be passed in Parliament. Mr Speaker, in Mandarin.
(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] I do understand that the five-year period for the CPF changes is intended to help the platform operators and the platform workers adjust over time, but I hope that the Ministry would consider shortening this timeframe from five to three years. Three years should be enough for all to adapt and allow platform workers to start accumulating more CPF savings earlier.
In addition, among platform workers born before 1995, a significant proportion would be beneficiaries of the Workfare Income Supplement (WIS) scheme. Due to their age, their income, compared to fellow workers, may not be as high. Hence, the Government can consider letting them join the CPF scheme so that they can benefit and be given the WIS as additional income.
On behalf of platform workers, I would like to thank the government. From 2029, all eligible platform workers will receive full employee WIS, up from the two-thirds of employees' WIS presently.
(In English): Next, I would like to raise an issue not covered in this Bill but which I hope can be included in a future amendment Bill.
For normal employees, work cannot exceed 44 hours a week and total overtime cannot exceed 72 hours in a month. However, there seems to be no such regulations for platform workers. There is a risk of platform workers being overworked and not being adequately paid for the additional hours or compensated for higher risks of working while fatigued.
Will the Ministry consider looking into this and implementing measures to ensure that platform workers are adequately protected?
At the Sitting in July 2021, I had asked MOM to consider mandatory breaks for drivers of private hire cars to mitigate health and safety concerns relating to driver fatigue from continuous driving. As drivers are paid for the number of trips they make, I am also deeply concerned about the dangers of overwork for such platform workers.
I hope the Ministry will consider looking into the use of technology to support the drivers to take a short break if the need arises, if they are tired and reduce the safety risks to themselves and others, including their families.
I would also like to take this opportunity to highlight an issue in our current driving framework. For taxi services, the taxi driver must be aged 30 and above and be a Singapore Citizen. However, for GrabHitch driver-partner services, PRs and those aged below 30 are allowed to provide driving services.
On the surface, GrabHitch is a social car-pooling service which allows all drivers to give a lift to riders heading the same way. In practice, this may be a loophole which enables foreigners and younger, less experienced drivers to provide driver services.
Last but not least, there have been cases of foreigners coming to Singapore to do delivery work. How would the Ministry tighten the regulations and increase enforcement to ensure that these illegal workers do not encroach upon the livelihoods of our local platform workers, depress their wages and, if accidents were to happen to them, and others.
I would like to conclude with my support for the Bill.
Miss Rachel Ong.
Mr Speaker, the Platform Workers Bill represents a crucial step in safeguarding the physical and financial well-being of our platform workers, especially our dedicated delivery riders, who will be the focus of my speech.
Our delivery riders are not just workers. They are sons and daughters, fathers and mothers, and even grandparents. In my conversations with them, I have learned about their tireless efforts and the sacrifices they make. Many endure long hours on the road, at times, 12, 15, or even 18 hours a day, driven by a profound commitment to provide for their families and secure a better future for their children. One rider proudly shared with me that his two children are students in schools running the Integrated Programme, with one in junior college and the other in secondary school, both working hard to succeed.
These children are not only their parents' motivating force and hope, but they are also the next generation of Singapore. It is thus our collective responsibility to safeguard the wellbeing of these hardworking individuals who are devoted to their families and play a pivotal role in building our nation.
One of the most pressing concerns we must address is the safety of our delivery riders. The extended hours they work are not just gruelling, they pose significant risks on the road. Fatigue from long hours is a serious safety hazard that increases the likelihood of accidents. To mitigate this, it is essential for the Government and platform operators to work together to enhance safety guidelines.
In many industries, shift workers are provided with mandatory breaks, shift limits and other safety protocols. Implementing similar safeguards for delivery riders could significantly reduce the dangers they face on the road and ensure their safety as they carry out their work.
Balancing safety with economic needs is also critical. I understand that some riders may be concerned about limits on their working hours due to the urgency of providing for their families and the uncertainty of securing jobs. Platform work does not always guarantee a consistent income as earnings depend on the availability of jobs in specific locations and time slots. Those who do not earn enough during their shift may feel compelled to extend their working hours to make up the gaps in income. However, those extra hours could just lead to a devastating loss of a breadwinner due to a preventable accident.
To address both safety and economic stability, I am pleased that the Bill includes legally binding duties for platform operators, specifically an insertion into the WSH Act 2006, section 12A. This requires platform operators to take necessary measures to ensure the safety and health of their workers, including measures to prevent exposing them to hazards arising from the platform operator's arrangements and processes. The number of consecutive hours riders are allowed to work and how incentives are given are part of these arrangements.
It is important that the Government and the industry continue to work closely to clarify how these provisions will be implemented, enforce them rigorously and review them regularly to safeguard our workers on the road.
Beyond safety, the Bill also ensures financial security for our workers through mandatory savings via CPF. This is a very welcome development. From the delivery workers I have spoken with, there is genuine appreciation for this provision. It offers a structured approach to savings, provide financial security for those with young families and those who may not have the means or knowledge to save adequately on their own.
Many riders who are also breadwinners often prioritise and are very willing to spend on their family's present needs, leaving little for their own retirement. This initiative is a step towards securing their future and gifting them peace of mind in their later years. I sincerely hope more workers above 30 will choose to opt into the programme, for their long-term financial well-being.
The Platform Workers Bill stands out not only for its comprehensive safety and financial provisions but also for the collaborative process behind its creation. While other countries have taken steps to address platform worker rights, Singapore's Platform Workers Bill excels in its comprehensive approach to challenges such as retirement adequacy, work safety and insurance, and collective representation.
This achievement is rooted in Singapore's distinctive approach to tripartism, which brings together the voices of workers, employers and the Government to shape policies. Thanks to the tireless efforts of our tripartite partners: MOM, the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and the Singapore National Employers Federation (SNEF), we are able to introduce a Bill that safeguards platform workers in a balanced and efficient manner.
In contrast, we can observe the challenges of a different approach in California. In 2020, the introduction of Assembly Bill 5, also known as AB5, which aimed to reclassify platform workers as employees, was swiftly challenged by platform companies through Proposition 22, a measure that exempted platform operators from AB5's requirements. This led to a prolonged legal battle that lasted years and concluded in July 2024 with Proposition 22 being held in favour of platform operators.
The process not only incurred significant legal costs for both employers and unions, but also delayed the much-needed protections for workers. Singapore's collaborative tripartite model, on the other hand, enables a smoother roll-out of protections, avoiding prolonged conflicts and ensuring that all stakeholders are engaged from the start.
In conclusion, the Platform Workers Bill reflects Singapore's deep commitment to fairness, safety, and the well-being of our platform workers. It also stands as a testament to our unique tripartite approach, where Government, employers, and unions work in concert to create balanced and effective policies.
This Bill not only protects the livelihoods of our workers but also secures their future, offering them the dignity and peace of mind they deserve. Mr Speaker, I strongly support this Bill.
Mr Xie Yao Quan.
Sir, let me start with a quick story. A couple of years ago, I had a meeting at a platform operator’s headquarters office in Singapore. And the person I was meeting suggested to let us meet at the staff cafeteria. So, I went to the staff cafeteria, and I remembered being blown away. It was a very nice cafeteria, offering a full range of wholesome meals to staff; there was also an espresso machine and freshly brewed coffee and even beer, for after office hours, I presume. All the creature comforts were there. And it was lunch time when I visited, so the whole cafeteria was lively, teeming with employees, lots of laughter and conversations and energy, and everyone was just enjoying themselves and having a good time in this staff cafeteria.
I recall looking at this and thinking about the delivery riders who were waiting for orders at the fast-food outlet at the CC in my constituency. And I recalled thinking, both groups of workers are working for the same platform company, contributing to the platform company, so why is the difference in perks, benefits and experience so large? And I recall thinking that this does not feel fair, it does not feel right, and we got to change this somehow.
Therefore, I am so glad that the Platform Workers Bill is finally before this House. If passed, it will be a great leap forward for the rights and protection of platform workers in Singapore. Platform workers deserve rights and protection under our laws. And I am glad that there is broad political consensus on this fundamental point – indeed, both the Workers' Party (WP) and Progress Singapore Party (PSP) support the Bill and agree with the Government on this fundamental point.
The Platform Workers Bill has been described as a "landmark" Bill. I agree. But the Bill is landmark not only for what it will achieve – for the rights and protection of platform workers, if passed. It is also landmark for how we are able to achieve it in the first place, make the Bill possible in the first place, because of who we are, and how we work. It is landmark for how we are able to achieve the Bill in the first place because of who we are and how we work.
And tripartite is who we are. And tripartism is how we work. This landmark Bill is only possible because of our unique tripartism in Singapore.
There are so many innovative and groundbreaking features in this wide-ranging piece of legislation. Take for example, the Work Injury Compensation framework for platform workers. It is a major innovation.
Senior Minister of State Koh circulated this nifty A3-sized brochure in his opening speech yesterday to summarise the framework, but let us think about it. The principles and the basic mechanism of Work Injury Compensation for platform workers that this brochure so neatly summarises are thoughtful, measured, balanced, very carefully crafted. It must have taken months and months of hard work, by tripartite partners, by a competent Government, working closely with an NTUC who is all about creating better lives for workers, with platform workers themselves, and with platform operators, insurers and other business stakeholders.
Or take for example, the Fixed Expense Deduction Amount that this Bill provides for. It is another major innovation. Those elegant mathematical factors that crystallise the costs on a platform worker to perform platform work, so as to provide a simple and elegant way for everyone to determine net earnings from platform work – so, for example, 20% of earnings for a walker, 35% for a delivery rider on personal mobility device and 60% for a private hire vehicle driver in a car. These Fixed Expense Deduction Amount factors and the whole concept of Fixed Expense Deduction Amount itself, they are another major innovation.
But they did not drop from the sky. Rather, they are borne of what must, again, have been months and months of hard work, of respectful, collaborative consultations between Government, NTUC, platform workers, and platform operators. I can imagine putting five platform workers, operator representatives, union leaders and Government representatives in the same room and asking them to try to agree on this Fixed Expense Deduction Amount values. And between the five of them, there would probably be six different views, and ask them to come back the next day, there may yet be another three or four different views.
So, these must have been tough conversations. But with our unique model of tripartism, we got it done. And so, our unique model of tripartism in Singapore made this landmark Bill possible. And I say, we should celebrate and applaud this achievement by our unique tripartism in Singapore.
And yes, there will be challenges and key issues to implementing the Bill, as has been discussed extensively in this debate. There will certainly be challenges, but I am confident that if we continue to rely on our unique tripartism and work through our unique tripartism, we can – and we will – overcome all these challenges.
Indeed, I would like to put to this House that beyond the challenges, and as much as arriving at this Bill is, in itself, a great leap forward for platform workers' rights and protection in Singapore, the centre of gravity of our efforts to advance and secure the rights and protection of platform workers, in their best interests will lie in the road ahead, and no less through the way in which we operationalise and realise the collective bargaining that this Bill will empower platform workers to engage in.
So, the real work lies ahead.
This Bill deliberately and wisely avoids making any prescription on the scope of this collective bargaining. Platform workers, through platform work associations, and platform operators will have full flexibility to determine the scope of this collective bargaining. It is my hope that pay, specifically fair pay, will be a key issue that our tripartite partners will pick up and address in the collective bargaining going forward.
And I have two suggestions.
First, I hope that we can forge a basic consensus, and crystallise and enshrine a basic principle, on what should constitute Fair Pay for platform work. And I like to suggest this principle: that a platform worker should be, on average, no worse off than a local employee receiving protection and assurance on wage floors under the Local Qualifying Scheme (LQS) Wage Schedule regime.
This means:
(a) that a "full-time" platform worker, working up to 44 hours per week, should earn, on average, at least $1,600 a month net of all costs, on par with current LQS;
(b) a "part-time" platform worker, working up to 35 hours per week, should earn, on average, at least $10.50 per hour, again net of costs; and
(c) a "super garang" platform worker, pulling beyond 44 hours per week, and to hon Member Mr Gan Thiam Poh's point, should be remunerated for what is essentially "overtime", at a level that is, on average, at least on par with overtime pay as prescribed by the LQS Wage Schedule. So, for example, those platform workers who work 78 hours per week, or 11 hours per day for seven days of the week, should earn, on average, taking reference from the LQS Wage Schedule at least $2,000 net of all costs.
And if we apply the Fixed Expense Deduction Amount framework and gross up these net earnings for costs, this would translate to just over $16 an hour in gross takings – in other words, what a platform will pay the worker, for a delivery rider on a PMD doing food delivery as a side hustle, for example, or $5,000 a month in gross takings for a private hire vehicle driver who pulls 11 hours per day every day on the road. Compared to the comments that have been offered by a major operator recently that its base fare is, I quote, "benchmarked to the F&B sector" and "something like $1,400", I think we are quite some way off the mark today.
The key is also to make these earnings more stable, more consistent week to week, month on month, around the agreed average, so as to reduce the precarity of pay for platform work. It is only fair.
It will not be easy to achieve and we will not be able to wait for another Institute of Policy Studies survey or the annual survey by MOM to tell us how we are doing on fair pay for our platform workers. To achieve this, we really need a monitoring and calibration logic cycle that is as dynamic as the algorithms that are assigning gigs, churning out jobs, putting out fares and incentives.
Indeed, we will probably need to bake the whole logic of fair pay into the operating algorithms of platform operators for this to really work. The task will be fraught with complexities: there are the vagaries of supply and demand in the gig economy; there are variances in the base fare and incentive structures across time and across operators; there are various types of platform work to begin with and there are other complexities to work through.
But a basic principle that we can all agree on, around what constitutes fair pay for platform work, will become a north star that can guide and anchor everyone, all stakeholders, as we work through these complexities. So, we should do it, because it is right for our platform workers. And we can do it, I believe, because we have our unique model of tripartism in Singapore.
My second suggestion is this. Let us not stop at pay but let us also champion and advance pay progression for platform work. It is often said that platform work provides "almost zero" prospects of career advancement and pay progression. I say, let us harness the collective bargaining structure for platform work that this Bill will enable to break these boundaries, to break that whole mental model. And let us contemplate and work towards, through collective bargaining, a future where we can provide some skills ladder, job ladder and pay ladder for various types of platform work. It will be challenging and there is no precedent around the world.
But if there is anywhere in the world that can take a shot at this and do this, it is in Singapore, with our unique model of tripartism. And if we can get it done, it will be truly innovative and groundbreaking for platform workers and the platform work economy in Singapore. Sir, in Mandarin.
(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] The Platform Workers Bill aims to provide platform workers with appropriate rights and protections under our laws. Platform workers deserve to have rights and protections. However, this Platform Workers Bill did not come about by chance, but rather as a result of our unique Tripartite model, which has made this Platform Workers Bill possible.
Looking to the future, we must also rely on our unique Tripartite model to continue to advocate for the rights and protections of platform workers and allow the legal effects of this Bill be maximised in practice. By doing this, the income, welfare and lives of platform workers will improve continuously.
(In English): Sir, to conclude, ultimately, this Bill is not only pro-worker but also, in my mind, pro-business and pro-consumer. It is about the ethos of business that we want in Singapore – businesses that do well by doing good and doing right. It is also about the Singaporean consumer supporting fair and sustainable trade practices. It is about an ever fairer economy and an ever fairer and more just society in Singapore. And underpinning all these, it is about strengthening our unique model of tripartism in Singapore and strengthening our social compact.
I am hopeful that all stakeholders – platform workers, platform operators and consumers – will embrace the Platform Workers Bill in this spirit and forge ahead in the tough road of implementation ahead of us with that same spirit, to continue advancing and securing the rights and protection of platform workers in Singapore in the months and years ahead.
Senior Minister of State Koh.
Mr Speaker, let me begin by thanking all Members for their support for the Platform Workers Bill. Both the WP and the PSP have spoken in support of this Bill to give platform workers better protection. I thank them for their support as well.
In my opening speech yesterday, I went into some length to explain the construct of the Bill and some of the implementation details for CPF contribution, work injury compensation and representation. Members will get a sense of how complex it is to implement the recommendations put forth by the Advisory Committee for Platform Workers – and Mr Xie Yao Quan's speech just before mine, gave a very good glimpse into the complexities of the negotiations and, sometimes, all the to-ing the fro-ing, all the arguments that can take place. But eventually, we landed on a good set of recommendations.
Before I address the specific questions raised by Members, I thought it is useful for me to help Members of this House understand how we are able to put forth this landmark legislation to help a group of workers who are precarious, when many other countries are still grappling to solve their problems.
The platform sector is a very heterogeneous one that is rapidly evolving and, sometimes, new ones will come onto the scene as well. A key characteristic is the very dynamic way in which supply and demand of jobs and labour are very quickly matched, and dynamic pricing also serves to incentivise service users and workers to facilitate a match. Platform operators, workers and users interact with one another dynamically as demand/supply and prices respond and change rapidly in real time. This allows flexibility and is a feature platform workers desire but it also imposes management control on these workers. Multi-homing on various platforms further adds to the complexity.
For these reasons, many countries are grappling with the difficulties of putting a legislative frame around a constantly evolving entity. How did we manage to put forth this Platform Workers Bill today, that both the governing and opposition Members have given their unanimous support to, in such a short time, over a mere two to three years since we started this stream of work? The International Labour Organization (ILO) is also interested to understand how we did it. I will share three key ingredients that made this possible.
First, and most important, tripartism. Singapore is able to come up with this innovative and landmark piece of legislation because of the close working relationship and trust amongst the tripartite partners. It is a relationship that is forged through the crucible of time, with which we had weathered various crises together over the decades. It allows us to adopt a collaborative approach to seek win-win solutions and enables us to nimby adapt and adjust to the fast-evolving nature of the platform landscape.
This is something that is unique and special here in Singapore that is not necessarily the case in many other countries. The Director-General of ILO Mr Gilbert Houngbo has shared his admiration for the unique tripartism we have here in Singapore when I met him in Geneva and he is keen to learn more about how our tripartism actually works.
But what is so unique about our tripartism? We must understand that there is a natural tension between the interests of businesses and workers which stems from the competing goals of maximising profits on the one side, and securing fair treatment and compensation on the other. It is quite easy for a government to be pro-worker. It is also quite easy for a government to be pro-business. But it is very difficult for a government to be both pro-worker and pro-business at the same time.
Close relationships between unions and political parties are perfectly normal in all functioning democracies. This usually takes the form of the union either forming a party on its own or funding and supporting one party.
A cornerstone of our strong tripartite relationship is the symbiotic relationship between PAP and NTUC as well as our respect for the employers. The symbiotic relationship of PAP and NTUC has allowed us, as the ruling party, to run a government that is both pro-worker and pro-business at the same time.
Tripartism undergirds the industrial harmony and economic success of Singapore. Other countries try to emulate us, but they cannot because, unlike us, they do not have the symbiotic relationship between unions and the governing party, and so they do not have the tripartism that we have.
What is dangerously clear to us is that the WP will seek to dismantle this. When the WP attacks the symbiotic relationship between the PAP and NTUC and Mr Gerald Giam said, and I quote, "I believe that unions must be independent and non-partisan", he is, in fact, saying that the WP will not align itself with any union or form any relationship with any union.
The tripartism that we have in Singapore today, which many other countries want to emulate, only exists because of the close relationship and the mutual respect between the PAP and NTUC. You dismantle this and everything falls apart. So, all workers and employers should sit up and take notice because the WP leadership wants to destroy tripartism as it stands here today. The WP will kill tripartism, and in its place will be a more adversarial form of relationship and system that we see happening elsewhere.
But here is the irony. David Marshall was the founding Chairman of the WP. When David Marshall mooted the idea of forming a "political party whose membership is exclusively confined to members of trade unions" and started the WP in 1957, the founding executive committee members of the party comprised 20 trade unionists and 10 non-unionists.
Mr Gerald Giam and the WP are completely ignorant about how the WP started as a party of unionists. And some of this information was obtained from their own website. Clearly, the WP is no longer a pro-worker party. Unions have long been a part of WP's history. Somehow, along the way, they lost the trust in their relationship with the unions. So, now, Mr Gerald Giam says, like a bit of a toxic ex-boyfriend, because I cannot have a relationship with unions, no one else should have as well; there should be no love between any other political party and the unions.
Fortunately, for Singapore, tripartism under the PAP Government is strong and, to NTUC and our unions, I say "Solidarity Forever". [Applause.]
And the Advisory Committee for Platform Workers (PWAC), which comprises tripartite representatives, was able to negotiate and come up with a balanced set of recommendations which we are now legislating through this Bill. So, I thank the members of PWAC for their efforts that made this possible.
The second ingredient is a strong and dedicated team of civil servants at MOM. Beyond the recommendations of PWAC, Members can appreciate the very complex implementation mechanisms and operational processes that insurers, platform operators, CPF Board and MOM will need to put in place to ensure seamless and smooth execution for CPF collection, an effective work injury compensation claims regime and a workable representation framework.
My MOM colleagues have worked closely with the platform operators, our tripartite partners NTUC and SNEF as well as various agencies, taking their feedback and working through various policy and operational constructs to address the complex nature of work in this sector.
Mr Xie Yao Quan's speech just now characterised some of these challenges in coming up with very detailed implementation details. Sometimes, I look at my officers and I think, the kind of mental gymnastics that they do to come up with all these implementation details, deserves an Olympic medal.
I want to put on record my thanks to all of them for their dedication and commitment to strengthening the support and protections for our platform workers.
The third are Singaporeans at large. Various surveys have shown that Singaporeans are prepared to pay a little bit more to give these platform workers better protection. The percentages may vary across different surveys taken at different time points, but that is not the main thing. The key thing is this: this Bill we are enacting today is a declaration of our social compact. Recognising that "every worker matters" means that platform workers also deserve to be treated fairly and equitably.
I thank Singaporeans for standing in solidarity with these workers who have done so much for us, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Sir, this is a very challenging legislation and the policy solutions may not be perfect. We will have to make trade-offs and accept that not all the issues and gaps in the platform space can be fully addressed through this legislation alone. But the status quo of leaving this group of workers – these platform workers, who are vulnerable – would not be the right thing to do. It would have been far easier to just do nothing or perhaps take the easier approaches adopted elsewhere that unfortunately do not address the unique features of the platform workspace.
This Government is taking the approach of enacting legislation to define platform workers as a distinct category of workers because we believe it is necessary and the right thing to do for this group of precarious workers. In legislating, we seek to preserve the key characteristics of the platform economy to ensure it can still function effectively, even as we seek to reduce the precarity of platform workers. All stakeholders, including consumers, will need to play a part.
I would like to make an observation on the considerations raised by Members. Some Members have expressed concerns that the introduction of the Bill will raise prices. On the other hand, there have also been calls to do more for platform workers to provide even more protections for them. For example, to extend work injury compensation coverage to platform workers travelling to and from home or waiting for jobs; but this will further drive up the costs of protections that society will have to bear.
I raise this observation to make the point that where we have landed at this Bill today is a careful balance of the interests of the various stakeholders involved to provide platform workers with the protection they need while making sure that the platform economy continues to be sustainable.
With this principle in mind, I will now address the queries and concerns raised by broad themes. Some of the questions raised by Members have already been addressed in my speech yesterday, so I will not cover them here again. I will start by addressing questions related to the first set of amendments on the definition of terms and scope of entities and workers covered under the Bill.
Many Members have suggested expanding the scope of the Bill to cover other platform services beyond that of the ride-hail and delivery services. As I have earlier explained, the Bill will account for the vast majority of platform workers doing work that is precarious. That said, I would like to assure Members we will certainly review the scope of the Act in the future, as the platform landscape continues to evolve.
Mr Patrick Tay had a query on the meaning of "agreement" in clause 5(1)(a) of the Bill. Clause 5(1) sets out the conditions that must be met for the purposes of determining if an individual is a platform worker. The "agreement" in clause 5(1) will become a "platform work agreement" only when an individual satisfies all conditions to be a platform worker.
Mr Tay also sought clarification on the meaning of "special expenses" in the definition of "earnings" in the Bill. "Special expenses" include payments meant to reimburse the expenses of platform workers when providing the platform service. An example would be the reimbursement of costs that platform workers may incur for cleaning services if a customer makes a mess in the vehicle. Such expenses will not attract CPF contributions as they are not meant to add to the platform worker's earnings.
Mr Neil Parekh had a query on how existing contracts will be affected and how conflicts between the Bill and platform work agreements will be resolved. When the Bill comes into force, obligations on the platform operator or platform worker under the Act will supersede existing contractual provisions that are less favourable. This means that even if existing agreements are not revised or the platform operator does not enter into any new agreement with the platform worker, the Act will supersede any existing platform work agreement. Therefore, it is in the interest of platform operators to go through existing agreements or enter into new agreements with their platform workers to reflect the new obligations under the Act.
Let me move on to clarifications regarding the second set of amendments to support the housing and retirement adequacy of platform workers through the CPF system.
Mr Pritam Singh and Ms Yeo Wan Ling have expressed concerns about the impact of increased CPF contributions on platform workers' take-home pay. Overall, platform workers will experience an increase in their total earnings after factoring in CPF contributions from the platform operators. Platform workers can use their Ordinary Account contributions in lieu of cash to pay for their housing loans. Furthermore, the Government is providing the PCTS. As mentioned in my speech yesterday, we have enhanced the PCTS to offset 100% and 75% of the year-on-year increase in the first and second year respectively.
Mr Pritam Singh's remark that the 100% PCTS offset applies to the lowest increase is not true as the increase in each year is up to 2.5% points. Ms Yeo Wan Ling asked whether the PCTS can be extended to all platform workers who earn more than $2,500, for up to the first $2,500 of their earnings. The PCTS is targeted at lower-income platform workers to provide them with monthly support in the transition period when they see a decrease in their take-home pay as they would have less disposable income for their daily expenses. As announced earlier, the qualifying income cap has been increased to $3,000 a month. The median income of a platform worker ranges from $1,500 to $2,500 a month, so more than half of platform workers should meet the income criteria for the PCTS. These enhancements to the PCTS have increased the estimated total budget for the PCTS by close to 60%.
Mr Sharael Taha asked if part-time platform workers would be covered by the CPF provisions and be eligible for the PCTS and Workfare Income Supplement. The CPF provisions do apply to part-time platform workers, and neither PCTS nor Workfare eligibility is dependent on whether the worker is working part-time or full-time as a platform worker. This is in line with the flexible nature of platform work because the worker can choose the number of hours he or she wants to work.
Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked if we would consider reducing the phase-in of CPF contribution rates from five years to three years and Mr Louis Chua asked to introduce the full increase for platform operators immediately. Mr Gan, Mr Pritam Singh and Assoc Prof Jamus Lim also suggested making the CPF scheme compulsory for older cohorts of platform workers or making older cohorts opt out of CPF contributions rather than opt in.
Underlying their suggestions is the sentiment that CPF contributions are very important for all platform workers. I share the same sentiment. But there are pertinent considerations behind the proposed construct that we have put forth.
The five-year phase-in period was a careful decision we made, considering the take-home pay impact on platform workers, the cost impact on platform operators and the possible costs that could be passed on to consumers. These are also concerns raised by various Members in their speeches. A five-year phase-in period will allow any impact to the various stakeholders to be moderated and allows time for the market to adjust to a new equilibrium.
For platform workers who wish to achieve higher CPF contributions earlier than 2029, they can make voluntary CPF contributions to all three accounts in their CPF between 2025 and 2028, and benefit from tax relief for these additional voluntary contributions.
The decision to allow older platform workers to choose whether to participate in the increased CPF contributions by opting in recognises that they may already have existing plans to finance their housing and retirement needs. Some may have already finished paying their home loans. Older platform workers in many of our engagement sessions expressed preference for the choice to opt in.
We respect these preferences that older platform workers have expressed to us. This is why we have allowed older cohorts to opt in, rather than including all by default and requiring them to opt out.
The opt-in arrangement allows platform workers to carefully consider their needs and plans before consciously choosing to increase their CPF contributions. If it is on an opt-out basis, there may be some who might only realise later that their CPF contributions increased and will want to withdraw. This would be administratively onerous on both the platform workers and platform operators.
Nonetheless, I do encourage older platform workers to make a conscious decision and take the active step to choose increased CPF contributions from the start, especially if they are servicing a housing loan or want to build up their savings for retirement.
Furthermore, a study by the Institute of Policy Studies found that younger platform workers expressed stronger preference for additional CPF contributions to help meet their housing needs as they were more likely to have housing obligations or plans to buy a house. Younger cohorts would also benefit more from the compounding of interest, given the longer runway for accumulation.
Members would appreciate that platform work is a very heterogeneous space. Different individuals participate in platform work for various reasons and to various extents. Some do it full-time as their main source of income, others do it part-time to supplement their other sources of income. Yet others do it ad hoc to just get some pocket money.
Platform workers have given feedback that they prefer a choice to decide if they want to contribute CPF, based on their different needs. Hence, we set the mandatory contribution for CPF to begin for those who are born on or after 1995. It respects the autonomy of the platform workers while ensuring that on a cohort basis over time, a majority of platform workers will have mandatory CPF contributions.
Ms Mariam Jaafar and Assoc Prof Jamus Lim asked about how we plan to encourage platform workers to opt in or to help strengthen their financial literacy. The Government is working with partners, including NTUC and Institute for Financial Literacy (IFL) to ensure that platform workers are aware of the benefits of opting in to the increased CPF contributions. IFL will also offer holistic financial literacy guidance for platform workers.
Mr Mohd Fahmi Aliman, Mr Ong Hua Han, Mr Pritam Singh and Assoc Prof Jamus Lim spoke about platform workers potentially facing discrimination because of their CPF contributions. Let me reassure Members that we have been actively engaging the potential platform operators and they are supportive of making CPF contributions for their platform workers.
There was a suggestion to police or audit the platform operators' algorithm to ensure that it does not result in discrimination against platform workers who opt in for CPF. There are two challenges with this suggestion.
First, an algorithm is quite dynamic, responding to real-time changes in demand and supply for platform services. Any audit will be reactive and of limited utility. The moment you get the algorithm and audit it, something has changed in the next one hour and you will always be chasing the tail. Second, algorithms are proprietary knowledge. If we force platform operators to reveal such knowledge, this may drive them away and bring about a loss of platform worker jobs, which is not our desired outcome for these workers.
So, how will we address this issue? Platform work associations will have the legal mandate to represent the interest of the platform workers. If there are instances of possible discriminatory practices by any platform operator, the platform work association can take this up with the relevant operators and, where necessary, inform MOM. This provides a channel for the platform workers, through the platform work associations, to communicate and negotiate with the platform operators. Similar to the trade union space, this can be done in a way that seeks to achieve win-win outcomes and preserves the harmonious relationship between the platform workers and platform operators in this fast evolving industry.
In addition, because of the cohort-based approach, an increasing proportion of platform workers will be covered by mandatory CPF contributions over time, as the years go by. Over time, all the younger workers who take on platform work will have mandatory CPF contributions. Therefore, it is in the interest of platform operators to treat all platform workers fairly, regardless of whether they opt-in or are in the mandatory cohort.
Finally, the platform work sector is a competitive and fluid one, where consumers and platform worker can easily switch platforms depending on what they feel works best for them. It is therefore also in the interest of platform operators to treat all workers fairly from the perspective of worker retention.
Mr Ang Wei Neng asked about the CPF contribution rates for platform workers aged above 55. As mentioned, the contribution rates set out in the schedule of the Bill are subject to the CPF contribution rate increases for employees in the same age group. Mr Ang will be pleased to know that we remain committed to implementing the 2019 recommendation by the Tripartite Workgroup on Older Workers to align the CPF contribution rates for employees aged above 55 to 60 to those of employees aged 55 and below.
Mr Sharael Taha asked how expenses will be factored in for platform workers who use multiple modes of transport. The Fixed Expense Deduction Amount to be applied will be based on the mode of transport for the specific job in question. As you heard from Mr Xie Yao Quan's speech earlier, 20% if you are walking, 35% if you are riding a motorbike, 60% if you are driving.
Next, I will cover the clarifications regarding the third set of amendments to ensure financial protection of platform workers if they get injured at work and to strengthen stakeholders’ responsibilities to prevent injuries.
Mr Pritam Singh asked about the cost impact of work injury compensation insurance premiums on platform operators. Mr Desmond Choo, Mr Mark Lee and Ms Yeo Wan Ling sought clarifications on the work injury compensation process for cases where multiple platform operators are involved. There was also a suggestion for a centralised insurance system to minimise disputes over which platform operator is liable for the claim.
While I agree with the need for fair and expeditious compensation, a monopolistic approach is not the best way to provide for platform workers’ insurance needs. In comparison, allowing platform operators to purchase work injury compensation insurance in an open and competitive market facilitates sustainable premiums. The open market allows platform operators to negotiate insurance rates with insurers of their choice and a competitive market facilitates sustainable premiums based on claims history. As with employers, platform operators’ insurance premiums will account for the risks in the sectors they operate in, which Ms Mariam Jaafar asked about. This will be based on indicators such as payroll size and number of workers. The new work injury compensation insurance market will be led by insurers from the Platform Workers Work Injury Compensation Implementation Network as first-movers. We welcome other players to join the market as well.
Nevertheless, we agree with Members that it is important for platform workers to receive compensation in a timely manner, so they can recuperate from a work injury with peace of mind. An injured platform worker only needs to inform the platform operator he is working for of the incident and his injury details. The platform operator will file a work injury report to MOM and the platform operator’s insurer will be notified to process the work injury compensation claim. The platform worker will be notified of the work injury compensation claim case reference number and the insurer processing the claim.
As with the employee regime, insurers and platform operators will be required to follow operational timelines for the processing of claims expeditiously, and the same dispute resolution mechanisms apply. If multiple platform operators are liable, MOM will appoint the insurer of one of those platform operators to process the claim for timely payouts to the platform worker.
Ms Jean See asked about plans to augment the Bill to protect platform workers against the unintended consequences of safety regulations. Mr Gan Thiam Poh suggested regulating the working hours of platform workers. Mr Melvin Yong suggested for platform workers to have training for road safety and safe load management and to codify incentive structures.
From our engagements, platform workers value the flexibility to determine how long and when to work, which helps them accommodate personal commitments. The proposed Bill should not alter the flexible nature of platform work that is a key feature of platform work that both the workers and the platform operators desire.
Nonetheless, we agree this should not be at the cost to personal safety and health of platform workers. Hence, amendments to the WSH Act will empower platform workers to prioritise safety and prevent platform operators from penalising them for doing so. Platform operators need to review and address the safety and health risks arising from platform work, as with companies in other industries.
This will be put into practice through the Approved Code of Practice for Platform Services, which MOM and the WSH Council are consulting the public on. Developed with tripartite partners, platform operators and platform workers, the Approved Code of Practice will codify how platform operators and platform workers can collectively address safety concerns in platform work, including fatigue management and support platform workers’ access to safety training. It includes what Mr Leong Mun Wai suggested – that platform operators should not penalise platform workers who were unable to complete the job for valid reasons.
With these in place, we should allow the industry to take ownership and work on its safety practices. Intervening to micromanage the incentive structures and algorithms of platform operators or the working hours of platform workers risks jeopardising the flexibility and sustainability of platform work.
Next, I will address questions on the fourth set of amendments on the legal framework for representation of platform workers. I will also speak on how some of the suggestions raised by members are more suited to be taken up by platform work associations in negotiations with platform operators.
Mr Patrick Tay asked how MOM would determine when platform workers have undertaken industrial action. Industrial action refers to an act that limits or restricts the performance of tasks by platform workers, which is carried out with the intention to further a work dispute with a platform operator.
For instance, if a group of platform workers intentionally turn off their apps with the intent to compel a platform operator to agree to their terms of negotiation, we will consider them to be undertaking industrial action. In contrast, a platform worker will not be regarded as undertaking industrial action if he shares information on better terms offered by a competing platform operator and suggests that other platform workers switch operator to enjoy the better terms. Because in the second scenario, there is no intent by the platform workers to further a work dispute with a platform operator.
Mr Tay also suggested allowing platform work associations to use digital voting for secret ballots since platform workers have no fixed workplaces. We agree that platform workers may not have fixed workplaces or fixed schedules and hence a different way of conducting ballots may be needed. Hence, we accepted the recommendations of the Tripartite Workgroup on Representation of Platform Workers. MOM will conduct electronic voting for secret ballots for recognition. To ensure the security and integrity of the voting process, we will implement strong safeguards including secure authentication systems.
Mr Ang Wei Neng sought clarification on whether platform work associations can negotiate with private hire car rental companies and taxi companies and represent permanent residents, or PRs. The new legal framework allows platform work associations to represent platform workers and such platform workers can include PRs. Remember we said there is a two-pronged assessment of who is a platform operator – so, private hire car companies and taxi companies that do not fulfil the definition of platform operators and are therefore not platform operators, are not covered under the framework. But associations or societies can continue to engage such companies, which is already the case today.
Mr Ang also queried on the requirement that at least two-thirds of the officers in a platform work association must be active platform workers, and whether officers should be required to work a minimum number of hours each month to better stay connected and relevant to the platform workers. In general, the representation framework for platform work sector is modelled after that of the trade unions, which has worked well and contributed to Singapore’s industrial harmony over the years. The two-thirds requirement is, for example, the same as that in the trade union space. On the point of having a fixed work hour eligibility criterion for officers, we have not set this requirement as we recognise that platform workers may not have a regular schedule every month.
Ms Jean See asked for the introduction of tripartite set-ups between sectoral platform work associations and platform operators. Mr Pritam Singh, Ms See and Mr Louis Ng also suggested to require platform operators to make information on its algorithm and earnings transparent to platform workers, or to validate their algorithms against AI Verify for fairness and safety. Ms See further suggested requiring platform operators to provide some form of income protection for platform workers if there is an outage in their app platform. Mr Xie Yao Quan, Mr Louis Chua and Mr Leong Mun Wai had various suggestions on introducing minimum earnings for platform workers as well.
We agree that the law should set basic standards on platform work in terms of transparency. For example, we will require platform operators to keep records of and provide their workers with earning slips. These earning slips must also state that they are for platform workers, so that platform workers know that they are platform workers and are aware of their rights. These requirements are specified in clauses 13 and 14 of the Bill respectively.
Related to this, Mr Patrick Tay sought clarification on the different classes of platform workers mentioned in clause 13(4). To clarify, clause 13(4) will provide the Government with the flexibility to set different record retention periods for different groups of platform workers, for example, based on the type of platform services they provide. Having said that, we currently have no plans to set different record retention periods.
On the broader points made by the various MPs asking for more regulatory requirements and minimum earnings, we should be mindful of the risks of overregulation that is impractical and counter-productive. As mentioned earlier, algorithms may be proprietary, and regulating platform operators’ use of algorithms will impose significant compliance costs and affect the economic viability of platform operators. Potential entrants may also be deterred from the market due to the fear of excessive regulatory burden. Platform operators also need the flexibility to decide how to remunerate platform workers, in order to balance the demand and supply of services while keeping prices manageable for consumers. We should avoid being too heavy handed with regulation, which could stifle the innovation and sustainability of the platform economy, and lead to poorer outcomes for platform workers themselves.
Instead of the blunt tool of regulation, it is better to focus on the outcomes and empower stakeholders to negotiate for their interests. This is why we are empowering platform work associations to negotiate with platform operators for better outcomes and to balance the relationship between platform workers and platform operators. Platform work associations will be well placed to represent the interests of platform workers and negotiate a sustainable and mutually agreed solution at the individual platform operator level that takes into consideration all parties’ circumstances. Platform work associations and platform operators are also free to establish and participate in tripartite platforms as needed, similar to how trade unions and employers interact today.
Beyond getting help from platform work associations, I would add that platform workers do have the choice to switch platforms, if they feel that they have been treated unfairly, or even when the app of one platform operator is facing technical issues. This is how most people would operate today anyway – you arbitrage between the rates of different apps and switch from one to the other, and if one is not working, go to the next one. So, this is commonsense and people are already doing that today.
I will move on to the concerns raised on the impact of this Bill on stakeholders. Many Members have raised clarifications on the impact of this Bill on platform operators, platform workers and customers.
Ms Yeo Wan Ling, Mr Yip Hon Weng, Mr Mark Lee, Mr Pritam Singh, Mr Ong Hua Han, Mr Leong Mun Wai, Ms Joan Pereira and Ms Mariam Jaafar have raised several concerns on whether the costs of these platform work protections will be passed to platform workers and customers. Dr Syed Harun Alhabsyi spoke about assuaging the concerns of platform workers, platform operators and customers as we implement the Bill and Mr Neil Parekh requested Government assistance or incentives to help businesses make this transition.
On the impact to workers, I have elaborated at length on the measures to prevent the passing of costs to workers. So, I will not repeat the points here, except to add that ultimately, market competition is an important self-regulating force. It bears repeating that platform work associations will play an important role in representing the interests of platform workers and these workers will also have the choice to switch platforms if they feel that costs are unfairly passed over to them.
On the impact to platform operators, the Government has been working closely with the companies who have stepped forward to seek advice on how to implement CPF and work injury compensation regimes for platform workers. We will continue to do so through existing structures. This is the first time we are defining platform operators in legislation and we understand companies may have questions on whether they meet the definition of a platform operator. An example of a question, which Ms Usha Chandradas raised, is on the threshold of human intervention in the use of data that would define an entity as exercising management control over a worker.
Put another way, the intent of clause 6(1)(b) of the Bill is to capture entities where automation of the use of data for a specified purpose is the primary mode of operation. That said, I would like to highlight that whether an entity is exercising management control and the broader question of whether it is a platform operator is fact-dependent and companies should do their own due diligence checks to see if they fit the bill.
MOM will provide support to companies to determine whether they are likely to be a platform operator, including through a self-assessment checklist. Companies can also approach MOM if they still require further advice on their specific circumstances.
As Ms Mariam Jaafar pointed out, as a society, all stakeholders should be prepared to do our part for platform workers to receive protections they need. The Government has provided generous transition support through the PCTS and will monitor work injury compensation insurance premiums. Platform operators will need to consider how best to manage the costs. Consumers, too, will have a role to play.
I should emphasise that the costs arising from providing platform workers with basic protections are no different in nature from the business costs that other employers are already incurring to provide CPF and work injury compensation to their employees today. Thus, it is a levelling up of what platform operators ought to have been paying, if they are to ensure basic protections for platform workers like what other employers have been doing for their employees all along.
Introducing CPF and work injury compensation for platform workers, therefore, ensures that platform operators who derive their sources of revenue from the hard work and risks taken by the platform workers, provide them with basic rights and protections. It will also ensure a level playing field for companies operating in Singapore to compete fairly in terms of business costs.
How do employers in non-platform sectors typically deal with these costs of providing protections for their employees? Well, it is part and parcel of running a business, so they build these costs into their overall operating cost and decide how to price their services based on a range of factors – costs, profitability and market competition. This is what keeps prices manageable. It would be disingenuous to reflect and charge these costs through a separate fee component.
Platform operators should think carefully before doing so, because, as I said, the market is a competitive one. Such a move would be tantamount to passing the costs directly to customers. Customers have a choice to switch to other platforms where costs are shared more equitably or even stop using such platform services altogether and switch to other alternatives.
The costs incurred by platform operators on work injury compensation and CPF can also be audited. Platform work associations can work with platform operators to regularly publish these data, so workers and consumers can clearly see how the costs are shared across stakeholders to counter any claims of profiteering or loading of these costs onto the workers themselves.
Finally, I will address the concerns on other issues, such as the welfare and longer-term career paths for platform workers, which are not included in the scope of this Bill.
Mr Yip Hon Weng, Ms Joan Pereira, Mr Ong Hua Han and Ms Usha Chandradas spoke about protecting platform workers from abuse and unfair reviews, with Mr Yip suggesting to provide mental health support for platform workers. Let me be clear that, we have zero tolerance for abusive behaviours towards our platform workers. In this respect, the Protection from Harassment Act protects all individuals, including platform workers, from threatening, abusive or insulting words or behaviour. Perpetrators may be prosecuted for offences under the Act. With these existing protections in place, we do not need to introduce additional protection for platform workers in this Bill. Platform work associations can also work with platform operators on measures to deal with abusive customers, including blacklisting such customers and making available avenues of redress for platform workers who have been given unfair reviews.
Just like anyone else, platform workers who need mental health support can tap on the mental health services in community care settings, such as the Community Outreach Team, which offers basic emotional and psychological support. Those facing job transitions can also seek no-cost assistance from Workforce Singapore's (WSG's) employment-focused peer support groups. Platform work associations can also play an important role, as they are often the first port of call for platform workers when they are faced with challenges and I would encourage them to do more in this regard.
Mr Ong Hua Han also sought clarification on this Bill excluding other benefits, such as annual leave and medical benefits. For annual leave and medical benefits, we must recognise that these are relevant for employees where working hours and duties are fixed; whereas platform workers enjoy more flexibility compared to employees. Platform workers and platform companies are keen to retain this flexibility, rather than be deemed as employees. Thus, the Bill has focused on protections, such as CPF, work injury compensation and representation, which, we feel, will help platform workers be better protected, while maintaining the flexibility they desire.
Mr Ang Wei Neng asked for the number of platform workers who are non-Singaporeans. Mr Gan Thiam Poh asked whether we will take action against foreigners illegally providing platform services. Under the Employment of Foreign Manpower Act (EFMA), only foreigners with valid work passes are allowed to work in Singapore. Foreign employees can only work in the occupation stated in their work passes. Foreign employees, who provide platform services, may face prosecution under the EFMA.
Ms Pereira spoke about the volatility and unpredictable nature of income earned in platform work. She and many other Members, such as Mr Liang Eng Hwa, Mr Ong Hua Han and Mr Mark Lee, also raised the need to support platform workers in upgrading their skills and transiting to other careers. This Bill is intended to protect those who have chosen to make platform work their occupation, especially those who face precarity because of their fluctuating incomes.
At the same time, as Members have pointed out, platform workers can also consider other forms of employment. We will support them. There are measures in place to support platform workers who wish to transit to other sectors. For example, platform workers can tap on the Jobs and Skills Centres for career coaching service and advice. From early-2025 onwards, platform workers above 40 years of age can also tap on the SkillsFuture Mid-Career Training Allowance to pursue eligible full-time training programmes, such as the full-time SkillsFuture Career Transition Programme to support mid-career transitions into sectors with good employment opportunities. They will receive a monthly training allowance computed as 50% of their average monthly income and capped at $3,000 a month, over a lifetime cap of 24 months.
However, the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support scheme will not be open to platform workers, to answer Ms Pereira's question. The scheme is targeted at employees who became unemployed due to involuntary reasons, such as retrenchment and dismissals, and platform workers are not included as they are not employees.
Ms Usha Chandradas asked whether legislative protection will be extended to freelancers, particular those in the arts community who can also be a vulnerable group. While this is outside the scope of this Bill, we take the points that the Member of Parliament has raised and will consider how this group may be better supported.
Mr Speaker, in closing, I would, again, like to express my appreciation to Members of the House who have expressed their support for the Bill. Let me recap what this Bill seeks to do. Platform workers face volatility and their incomes are subjected to the market forces of demand and supply. This is a feature of the platform sector. And while we cannot change this, we can close the gaps in protections faced by platform workers and the sooner we do so, the better.
This could not have been done without strong tripartite dialogue and support. I would like to take this opportunity to put on record our thanks and appreciation to our tripartite partners for journeying together with us to build a fairer and more inclusive society. Miss Rachel Ong and Mr Desmond Choo have aptly contrasted the acrimonious path that some overseas jurisdictions took in regulating platform work with our own tripartite approach.
I cannot agree more. The tripartite system of close collaboration and dialogue between the Government, the Labour Movement, and businesses, has led us to a framework that balances the needs of all parties in a way sustainable for the platform ecosystem. The result is a legislation that will allow platform workers to benefit from improved housing and retirement adequacy, coverage for work injury compensation and representation. Platform operators, too, will benefit from a more engaged workforce and better industrial relations. Mr Speaker, I beg to move. [Applause.]
Mr Gerald Giam.
Mr Speaker, Senior Minister of State Koh just now said that if the WP comes to power, we will not form any relationship with any union. This is not true and it is ridiculous for any governing party to not seek good relations with unions, when it is crucial for any government to work with unions and employers for the good of workers and the economy.
What we are calling for is a key reform to untether the NTUC from the PAP and free up unionists to be independent advocates for workers in Singapore. An independent NTUC will be a stronger voice for workers as they will be better able to fight for workers' rights without fear or favour.
I call for independent unions, not mindlessly confrontational unions. It is important for unions to work with the government of the day, but they should maintain their independence from the Government and should not be subordinated to it. This will benefit Singaporean workers and strengthen our country's institutions regardless of the political situation.
This is not about politics. It is about getting the best possible deal for Singaporean workers and for Singapore.
And lastly, Senior Minister of State Koh mentioned ILO. ILO's Convention No 87 on freedom of association and protection of the right to organise, stresses that workers and employer organisations must be independent from public authorities, meaning the government, and free from government control or interference. This is found in Article 3(1), Article 3(2), Article 5, Article 8(2) and Article 11.
Instead of having a symbiotic relationship with the PAP, the NTUC should declare a symbiotic relationship with the people of Singapore.
Mr Desmond Tan.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I believe yesterday, my colleague Mr Heng Chee How had addressed the point about independence and respect for the unions. I would like to, once again, reiterate some of the points that was brought up by Mr Gerald Giam. In fact, he has repeatedly used the words "independent" and "non-partisan". The unions must be independent and non-partisan to be effective, that to represent our workers without fear and favour, unions have to be independent and non-partisan. And that they would, then, be in a better place to represent their workers and to negotiate. Then, he also went on to say that to be able to better advocate for workers they need to— he said said that unions are trying their best to advocate for workers, but they face restrictions to do so because of the Government and legislation.
So, I would like to ask Mr Gerald Giam whether he has personal experience or data points or even anecdotes to suggest that actually, today, the symbiotic relationship between the PAP and NTUC has caused our unions or union leaders to face restrictions or not to be able to speak up without fear of favour.
Because I would like to suggest that yesterday, after your speech, I received so much feedback from many of our union leaders. That is because whatever you said does not represent their experience on the ground.
So, I will make two points in response to what you have just said. The first point I want to say is that the relationship between PAP and NTUC – the symbolic relationship – is an equal partnership. Our union leaders are elected by the workers to represent them. It is not a subordinate relationship between PAP and NTUC. So, that is a very important point I need to make known to you.
And in fact, one of the union leaders wrote to me quickly to ask, where does Member Gerald Giam feel that there are any restrictions for the union leader to speak up. So, I think that is the question that I hope Mr Gerald Giam can address.
Maybe I can also highlight one of the posts by the Building Construction And Timber Industries Employees' Union, or BATU – so, do not just hear from me. It talked about the labour MPs and the relationship in the union, it said "the privilege of working closely with PAP MPs and Cabinet Ministers over the years as council advisers is apparent. Their involvement has been instrumental in helping us advocate for policies that address the needs of workers and improve their livelihoods. This collaboration has allowed us to shape practical solutions for the challenges faced in our industries."
So, the whole idea of this symbiotic relationship is not to control the unions, but rather, we want to be able to serve, to listen, to be close to the ground so that we can better support and better speak up for the workers and better represent our workers in Parliament or even outside.
The second point I want to address is about independence and being non-partisan. One of the union leaders, who is also in the central committee, wrote this passionately in his post after hearing the Member's speech. He said this, let me quote, "I am heartened by the impassioned response from Brother Heng Chee How. On numerous occasions, I have discussed concerns of teachers without fear or favour with the STU advisors." And that is from Mike Thiruman from the Singapore Teachers' Union, or STU.
And he went on to say that, "as unionists of unions affiliated with NTUC Singapore, we have never flinched from raising our concerns and advocating for our members' rights for better wages and for better work prospects and welfare. It would be foolhardy to think that unionists are not independent."
So, please have a care, give some respect to our unionists and union leaders on the ground. They have a mind of their own. They choose to be affiliated to the NTUC and to the PAP because of the results we have delivered, because of the outcomes we have delivered for workers and for many years, because "Every Worker Matters". [Applause.]
Mr Giam.
Sir, I reiterate once again what I said yesterday that I appreciate the hard work that many unionists are putting in to try and speak up for workers.
But what I am talking about is not so much that the unionists are not speaking up. What I am saying is that there are institutional constraints on them that prevent them from being able to really push forward a lot of the policies. Because if in the current set-up where the unions are, what I feel, subordinate to the PAP, the unions will only be able to push through their policies if their policies align with the PAP's priorities. They will not be able to override what the PAP wants to do.
And can I ask the Senior Minister of State whether he can cite any instance where the NTUC has taken a public position that is contrary to the Government policy in recent times?
I asked the hon Member about his personal experience and data, and he has not been able to cite those.
So, whatever he claims, he might have read it in other countries. I am not denying that that is your opinion and that is your view. But I would like to suggest that we do not make those assumptions for Singapore, because of what other people are practising or because of what you read as a theory of how unions can work with the ruling party.
Our colleagues have mentioned yesterday that is not uncommon that unions across the world are aligned to political parties. We have gone through the years and worked very hard to make sure that we build this symbiotic relationship as a strong foundation built on trust. And we are not about to give it up just because the Member has some theoretical framework and he suggests that it is better for unions to be independent of the ruling party.
On the Member's questions about whether we have policies where we have differed from what the Government suggests, I would gladly say that NTUC has been pushing for many policies that, even over the years, the Government has not accepted, but we will continue to do so. The SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support scheme is one very good example. Member Patrick Tay has been raising it for 14 years. The Government did not agree at the start, but finally, they did. [Applause.]
Maybe the Member imagines that these policies come from the labour MPs. But no, let me assure the Member that these policies, ideas and suggestions came from the workers and the union leaders because they best represent their workers. They know what they need. And our job as labour MPs is to represent them.
Sometimes, the Government will listen to us and implement immediately. Sometimes, it takes more time. And sometimes, we differ. That is the nature of it, but we will never flinch and we will never refrain ourselves from speaking up or have any fear or favour when doing so.
Senior Minister of State Koh Poh Koon.
Mr Speaker, I want to clarify the Member's question about ratifying ILO Conventions. We do not ratify Convention C87 because we require registration of unions. And that is to guard against what we call "yellow unions", unions that might be acting on behalf of employers to the detriment of employees, and also we to ensure the officers in the union were not convicted for criminal breaches of trust because these are necessary to maintain the trust. The tripartite relationship is built on trust so that there is trust between the tripartite partners involved in negotiations.
And just so that the Member is aware, there are actually quite a number of countries that have ratified, but it might also be useful for the Member to know that countries like the US and New Zealand have also not ratified this particular convention that the Member raised.
I listened to the Member's roundabout defence of why unions need to be independent and all, and the WP will or will not seek relationship – I am very confused. Does WP want to build relationship with unions or not?
Mr Giam.
Yes.
So, is the Member saying that his relationship with the unions is a transactional one, not built on mutual win-win and a symbolic relationship?
Mr Giam.
Sir, I think the Senior Minister of State is having difficulty seeing anything between the dichotomy of full symbiosis and full confrontation with unions. We are calling for a third way, which is independent unions with tripartite dialogue, to work towards achieving win-win outcomes for both workers and employers. So, it is this approach that we are trying to take. We are not trying to say that we do not work with unions at all or we are in full relationship and symbiosis with unions. There is a third way in between.
Senior Minister of State Koh.
Mr Speaker, just a final clarification on what he said. Because I am very confused on why the WP is called "Workers' Party", if they are not really so pro-unions to begin with. In their website, I was just reading from here, the website says, "Marshall announces the idea of forming a party for workers while addressing the delegates of the army, civil service unions at a conference and he said, 'We can evolve a plan where we can create a political party whose membership is exclusively confined to members of trade unions'."
So, the history of the WP is to be a party for trade unions. How can you not be in a relationship that is closely intertwined when you want to be a party for trade unions? I do not understand where you start from.
Mr Pritam Singh.
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for allowing me to respond to Senior Minister of State Koh. The only reason I do so is because he made a remark in his concluding address on WP leadership. So, obviously, I have to stand up. I second what my colleague, Mr Gerald Giam, has said but let me just state some points very clearly.
One, I reject, and the WP will reject, Senior Minister of State Koh Poh Koon's comments on the WP entirely and his characterisation of harmonious industrial relations between workers, employers and the government of the day as being something the WP does not agree with.
Two, on the Senior Minister of State's historical analysis of the WP, I think it disregards an important fact that more than 60 years have elapsed, and the political situation has changed dramatically and significantly. This is not just true for the WP, it is also true for the PAP.
But since the Senior Minister of State is on history, let me refer to evidence of what I believe my colleague, Mr Gerald Giam, was thinking about when he was talking about an independent NTUC, through the eyes of history. I am referring to a publication of NTUC, titled "50 years of the Labour Movement in Singapore", October 1966, "NTUC's cooperation: Not one way traffic": "At an NTUC delegates conference, Ho See Beng, now Secretary-General, reminded the Government and employers that the NTUC's cooperation in the task of economic development was not a one-way traffic. He took issue with the with Government leaders, particularly the Prime Minister, for speaking unendingly of labour's obligations while hardly touching on labour's rights and major grievances."
I would be grateful if the Senior Minister of State can raise a single example of where an NTUC Secretary-General or a deputy secretary-general has spoken out against a 3G or 4G leader to defend the rights of workers.
I am not suggesting that this is the gold standard or the test. It is not the test. But this comes to the heart of what people see and believe to be a conflict of interest. And when NTUC delegates are saying "Majulah PAP", I think people are entitled to question, "Do you speak for the party first or do you speak for workers first?" [Applause.]
So, it is a simple point. The point is not about moving Singapore in a direction where employers, employees, workers, Government fight each other to the detriment of our society and our economic growth. That is not the point. And I think we have been waylaid down that rabbit hole and we have got to just come back to the central point that was being made by Mr Gerald Giam.
Party interests cannot be more important than the interest of our workers and a symbiotic relationship does not mean that the NTUC is neutered or cannot openly speak out in the interest of workers. And I think Minister of State Desmond Tan has shared where the NTUC has spoken out, and I have no reason to believe that NTUC rank and file workers did not speak out. That is something I have to say, because I know some of them and I have to say I have to thank them for their service for our workers.
Senior Minister of State Koh.
Sir, I do not want to prolong this, but I think it is important for Mr Singh to realise that the fact that we are even debating this legislative Bill today is a proof point of how the tripartite relationship that PAP and NTUC has endured for the last 60 years or more has allowed us to make this Bill a possibility today.
So, just because the WP lost the relationship with worker unions long ago does not mean that because we can preserve relationship for 60 years that there is something wrong with the symbiotic relationship.
Mr Pritam Singh.
I am not going to respond to that point, but just to say that there is no question of losing a relationship in any way.
Assoc Prof Jamus Lim.
Thank you, Speaker. This is a completely different point.
Senior Minister of State Koh, if I heard correctly, indicated that the reasons for not defaulting to an opt-out rather than an opt-in approach for the CPF system was due to extra administrative costs that will be borne by the Government as well as platform companies and also the possibility of a diminished choice. Again, I am happy to stand corrected if I misheard.
If what I did hear was true, I find this puzzling because after all, there is certainly no loss of choice either from opting out or opting in, that is the nature of opting. And there are indeed already Government schemes, pension schemes, such as CPF LIFE, where opting out is the default. More generally, I suppose, what I should be asking is: are we allowing the possibility of some additional administrative costs to be the basis for us not ensuring that the retirement adequacy of our platform workers is actually made more secure?
Sir, I understand the Member's positioning, to try and ensure as much protection as possible is given to platform workers. But having had deep conversations with our platform operators and the platform workers themselves, the desire on both sides is to make sure that administrative costs are reduced, the burden is reduced and choice is given to the workers.
So, from a theoretical perspective, the Member may be right – put them in and then those who want to get out, can apply to get out. But the operators who have to bear onboarding costs, these are real costs. To put everybody on the system in the beginning will require system enhancements, put everybody in and making sure that everyone is onboarded and then subsequently, if a majority or a large number, or whichever number it may be, chooses to opt out, there will be an additional cost to process those people who want to get out.
Whereas, if you let people decide that they want to come in, then the operator only needs to do it one time and process the onboarding cost for that worker coming onto the system. That is why in our construct, we disallow people from opting out thereafter, once they opt in, so that the operator only does one time of onboarding and does not have to keep flipflopping workers in and out.
Opting out as a default is also a challenge because some workers may then choose to be out of one operator but not the other, and it becomes very messy for the operators to track whether this worker is on which system.
So, I think for administrative ease and for simplicity of operating a very complex system with many combinations of worker preferences to begin with, we have decided, together with the operators and also the desire of the workers, to go for an opt-in system.
Assoc Prof Jamus Lim.
Just a quick point about the theoretical nature of the system, I would just emphasise that this is not theoretical at all. Systems around the world, public policy systems, including what I have just cited – CPF LIFE – along with the UK's Nudge Unit have already used opt-out systems as a default, as a mechanism, to encourage what is ultimately in the welfare of the individuals.
Sir, I call that a theoretical argument because if the Member takes the effort to talk to the platform operators, he will realise that the practical considerations and the challenges are real.
Mr Leong Mun Wai.
Sir, I have two questions for the Senior Minister of State, which we have gathered from our conversation with the platform workers. That is why I had two recommendations in my speech yesterday: one is to introduce a base fee; two is to take cancellations and rejections of orders during bad weather out of the performance of the workers.
I understand what the Senior Minister of State said just now about not micromanaging the situation, but can I get a sense or a commitment whether the Government will encourage these two issues to be brought up in a negotiation at the platform work associations. That is one question.
One more question is regarding CPF contribution. I think currently, the rule is rather onerous. Once you opt in, you cannot opt out. Is it possible for the Government to consider that maybe the platform worker, after they have opted in, whether they can reconsider the decision after a certain period, maybe on an annual basis?
Sir, I thank the Member for his suggestions. Obviously, anything is possible. But we have to take the approach of what is practical, how easy it is to implement and what cost it will be to the system overall.
Whether there can be, for example, a base fee, that is something that the operators have to decide on whether that is something financially viable for them to do. We leave it to the platform work associations and operators to decide on the scope of negotiation, because it can differ from platform to platform. Some platforms may be prepared to offer that but, for other platforms, their business model and the cost structure may not allow that to happen.
So, I think rather than have a one-size-fits-all regulation, we allow representation to take place so that from an association to an individual operator's business model basis, they can scope out what works best for them and decide even on the scope that they are prepared to discuss. It may well be that some operators will have different models that they have agreed on with the operators and they can see that as a way of advantage to attract more workers who like that kind of arrangements to work for them as well. This also maintains a competitive landscape among the different operators.
But I would say also on the other aspect of opting in and out, whether it is time-dependent or a black-out period, whichever the construct may be, there will be quite a lot of challenges to implement because a particular platform worker could have been registered with several apps. If they are on several apps and they choose to opt in and out, each time they make a decision, it is not just one operator that has to make system changes and incur administrative costs, all the apps that this person has signed up with, even if it is an app that he uses very infrequently, would have to then also reflect that same CPF opt-in or opt-out status.
So, as a system, it becomes very complicated and the cost is not borne by just one operator, it will be borne by quite a number of operators. I think the complex nature of this work is such that people can sign up for an app and not use it for a long time, but suddenly can use it again for a few months in a row. So, the very difficult nature of this sector is such that we try to keep things as simple as possible and reduce the overall cost burden.
As I said in my speech, the solutions that we propose may not be 100% perfect, but the fact is that this legislation aims at providing the basic protections that will level up the protection for this group of workers, for it to be at least as close to being on par as possible with other employees working in a similar sector and also earning a similar income. In terms of achieving retirement adequacy and housing adequacy, we think this is a good base to start from. For any other operational benefits and challenges that may come along the way, we created the representation framework to allow negotiations and discussions to take place on a bilateral basis.
Mr Pritam Singh.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. Senior Minister of State Koh, on the Bill proper, the first question pertains to the costs and how the costs will be distributed amongst platform operators, workers and we know the contribution of the Government. So, it is actually the flow-through, which is a bit more of a concern.
I think Member Mariam Jaafar today spoke about how different platform companies have their own models – some 0% and they will charge platform fees and so on, for example. So, there is a concern that for some platforms, there will be an incredible flow-through of these costs to the consumers; others, less so.
Does the Government have any expectation of how it is going to manage the situation such that platform operators do not willy-nilly just proceed and transfer all these costs accordingly to the consumer? That is my first question.
The second question is pertaining to WICA. My understanding is there is some concern about the cost of WICA for platform companies. As I iterated in my speech with three months to go before the introduction of WICA for platform workers, is there some landing insofar as how these premiums are priced, in view of the varied nature of the platform space? Some clarity on that would be helpful because if WICA is very expensive, then one can imagine what the cost for the consumer would be.
Mr Speaker, I thank Mr Pritam Singh for the questions.
On the first question of cost transfer or pass-through to stakeholders, the thing that we think would be important to guard against any excessive cost increase or profiteering would be to make sure that the sector continues to remain competitive. So long as it is not monopolistic, there will be competition – competition for drivers, riders and competition also for customers. When that dynamic competition takes place, each platform will have to make sure that the cost that they are prepared to flow through, whether it is to the driver or to the customers, will have to be something that remains attractive to them both. Otherwise, they will lose either the share of available labour or they will lose the share of the available market. So, that is one.
But many of the things that we talked about – cost of CPF on operators and cost of WICA on operators – these are numbers that can be audited. For example, because now all platform workers will need to at least pay MediSave and those who opt-in or are mandated will have to pay CPF to their Ordinary and Special Accounts, which means that at the backend, we will know, by working backwards, what is the total wage cost that a particular operator with a particular load of workers will be paying for CPF or their wages. In that case, we can then determine the true wage costs for each operator and can audit and see if there is some evidence of profiteering.
On the WICA costs, based on our engagement with insurers through the Platform Workers Work Injury Compensation Network, where we work with five or seven insurers to start with, their estimate is that the cost of WICA for platform workers will not be too much higher compared to the current WICA costs for drivers in the logistics or transport sector, for example.
It may be slightly higher because, today, there is no actuarial data, so everyone is pricing a little bit more conservatively. But I think, over time, with real world data, and now that we know who is a platform worker once the Bill comes to pass, the true incident rate of injuries and the severity of injuries being reported will allow more accurate actuarial data and claims history to be established over time. So, insurers then will have some real data to make some adjustments to the insurance premium that they charge.
In a competitive market, if there are more than five, seven, maybe even more insurers who are prepared to come in – today, there are 26 operating in the employee WICA space – if a certain number of them also continue to participate in this for platform workers, we think the competitive premiums will continue to keep the market viable in terms of cost to operators. Again, that part of the cost is also auditable, to determine how much it costs operators to put forth WICA compensations.
A lot of people may think that WICA is charged on a per individual basis. But actually, the insurers look at this on a total wage cost basis. So, it is based on what the company is paying in terms of wages to their workers and the premium is calculated as such. So, it is irrelevant how many platform workers actually work for a particular platform company. What is more relevant is how much they are actually paying for the cost of wages to these workers that determines the WICA cost that they are paying in terms of premiums.
So, I think we should probably give the market some time to come to an equilibrium. But the initial sensing from the insurers is that it will not be excessively much higher, compared to what WICA is today for employees of the same sector.
Mr Christopher de Souza.
Mr Speaker, I listened very carefully to what Mr Gerald Giam had to say. My understanding is if the WP becomes the government of the day, then "we, the Workers' Party", according to Mr Gerald Giam, will partner unions. Yet, Mr Giam says that you do not want NTUC to be tethered to the Government or PAP.
I do not think you can have your cake and eat it. We do not use the word "tethered". We use the words "partnership", "alliance", "solidarity" and "equal partnership". We do not use the word "tethered". Point number one.
Point number two about Mr Gerald Giam's insinuations, that there is a suggestion that NTUC is subordinate to the PAP's interests when it comes to Labour Movement negotiations and trajectories, this is completely inaccurate. Let me share with the Member my personal experience.
In the middle of COVID-19, we had multiple difficulties with the occupancy rates in hotels. I had the privilege of being the advisor to the Food, Drinks and Allied Workers Union, or FDAWU. They were down one quarter occupancy rate, half occupancy rate. We met with them multiple times. Never in the meetings was there a subordinate-and-elder relationship. It was about how we get our workers in their jobs through the pandemic, secure and get Singapore's economy afloat. We worked hand in hand, in solidarity. Point number two.
So, on two points, I disagree with the hon Member Gerald Giam, from personal experience.
Number three, where was the partnership between PAP and NTUC formed? It was in the crucible of fire. We were fighting the communists. Mr Lee Kuan Yew represented the Postal Workers' Union. And why should we not rely on such trust, solidarity, mutual respect, equality, mutual relationship in advancing Singapore's cause? Why unravel that? It makes no sense, except if you dissect Mr Giam's position as being completely political.
So, woe to those who disregard the past, especially if they seek to lead the future. [Applause.]
Mr Gerald Giam.
Sir, I will be quick. When I say "tether" or "untether", what I mean is that NTUC and PAP should be separate, independent organisations and should not be pledging symbiosis to each other – that is all I mean.
And what he says about it not being a subordinate relationship, can I ask the Member why is there then a need for the platform work associations to have a council of advisors which has the power to dismiss the executive council? Why are these council advisors appointed by the NTUC and why do they all happen to be PAP members or PAP MPs even?
Mr Christopher de Souza.
If I may, Sir, tripartism is a bedrock of Singapore's economy – the employers, the Government, the employees. Do you seek to unravel that?
I have been an MP for a number of years. When I go overseas, people ask: why are your unions not fighting against your government? It is a misnomer overseas. But here, it is something special. My answer to the hon Member Mr Giam is that, please, do not seek to unravel a secret formula, a good formula that we have in Singapore which is tripartism between the Government, the employers and the employees.
The only conclusion I can draw, in my limited human mind, is that Mr Giam is a making a political point, whereas in my humble priority, it is Singapore that remains the priority.
Mr Leong Mun Wai.
Sir, we have sat here and heard about the arguments about the independence of NTUC from the two parties. I think it may be useful for a third party to come in and say a few words, and also to demonstrate that there are benefits of having a third party in this Parliament.
Mr Leong, just confine it to this debate and not start a new one.
Yes, yes, of course, of course. I think this is broad enough.
First of all, I must speak out in support of the WP, what Members Gerald Giam and the Leader of the Opposition and the other Members have said. I do not think the opposition is not in support of tripartism. In fact, no political party who aspires to run the country one day, would not want the support of the trade unions. Tripartism is a given. Everybody will want to cultivate that tripartism.
And we understand. All of us know history, that trade unions in other countries and by nature of their organisation, they must have the political power to institute change in a country. So, as a result, trade unions will want to be affiliated with political parties. And, of course, the opposition, whether it is the WP – of course, I cannot speak for the WP too much – but the PSP, for example, we would welcome, we want to cultivate the most harmonious and the best working relationship with trade unions.
However, I think the issue here that we are trying to push, trying to clarify or trying to stress, is that the nature of the relationship between the NTUC and our Government is more than what we have seen in the world today. [Interruption.]
It is more than what we see in the world today, for example, what I am trying to say is, can you find another trade union in the world where the trade union chief is a Minister. Are there any countries? Please, if there are, tell me.
So, as a result, you cannot deny our impression. No opposition, few opposition politicians are being given appointments in NTUC and all that. So, we do not really understand the exact decision-making process there. But from the structure that you can see from the outside, if the NTUC Secretary-General is a Minister or a former Minister and there are many leaders in the NTUC who come from the ruling party, I think we are entitled to think that the independence of NTUC ought to be better than this.
Dr Tan See Leng.
Mr Speaker, Sir, I had not intended to participate in this debate because the Senior Minister of State is doing such a great job in wrapping up, but I feel compelled to intervene in the last couple of discussions on the role of tripartism.
I would appeal to Members on both sides of the House to again spare a thought about the unique position, the unique model that we have, the very special model that we have here in Singapore.
In Singapore, we do things differently. We are a tiny red dot. We have been able to move, we have been able to progress so well. This approach is fundamentally built on trust, on collaboration and a shared commitment to finding win-win solutions.
Through our decades of strong tripartite relationship between the unions, SNEF and the Government, collectively, we do not just talk, we do not just debate. We act. Together, we have robust discussions, we push back, we have intense debate behind the scenes. When we formulate ideas, we turn them into actions and we overcome challenges as one united people. This unique approach is one of our greatest strengths.
Take, for instance, it was just barely two plus years ago, when we went through the crisis of our generation, COVID-19. When the crisis hit, the partners acted swiftly to address tough issues like cost-cutting measures, retrenchments. This is in stark contrast to many other countries where tensions flared. Our unions worked collectively with SNEF to share the burden, negotiating wage cuts, saving jobs. And the unions, NTUC, even administered the Self-employed Persons Income Relief Scheme, or SERS. This collaboration helped prevent deeper disruption. It protected not just our lives, but our livelihoods.
That is what is unique about our tripartism – that it works and it is a very, very unique, yet a true partnership.
The Government plays a key moderating role, of course, balancing the interests of both workers and businesses to ensure that all decisions, when they are taken, are made for the long-term good of everyone.
Let me reiterate this. I know you keep talking about independence, independence, independence. Behind closed doors, the tripartite partners do not always agree. Heated discussions happen behind closed doors on many, many issues – the raising of retirement age, or even the upcoming workplace fairness legislation. I am sure we will have another very intense debate during that time. The Leader of the Opposition is already smiling at me, probably thinking, "You better watch it." [Interruption.]
I always smile at you.
Thank you. We are ready.
But we all work hard. We all work hard to reach a consensus, knowing that collectively we are always working for Singapore's shared interests. And as I have said yesterday, not just for you, but for your children, for your grandchildren and hopefully, for your great-grandchildren.
To quote Dr Robert Yap, the former President of SNEF, he once shared an anecdote with me when I just joined the Government. And I thought that resonated and illustrated very well. He said it at a meeting with a foreign counterpart. The foreign counterpart commented to Dr Robert Yap, the then President of SNEF, saying that he was lucky because Singapore's unions were weak because they do not strike.
SNEF's view, his response to this foreign counterpart's comment was, actually, no, the unions here are strong because they get what they want without striking. This is the strength of our system. Our outcomes, our positive outcomes are achieved through negotiation – not confrontation, not open confrontation. [Applause.]
To paraphrase the late US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: do you throw away your umbrella in a thunderstorm because you are not getting wet? Members of the House, the lack of open confrontation, your so-called being more independent, does not mean that our unions are weak. It shows the power of positive collaboration in delivering results without disruption.
I urge all Members of the House, we are here to help our platform workers. We are here and we have just finished and heard the wrap-up speech of Senior Minister of State Koh on how we can help our platform workers better, taking into consideration all of the comments, the suggestions, the opinions of Members of the House. Let us not detract ourselves from this Bill. I hope that you do not judge NTUC or SNEF by what you think the relationship between unions, employers and the Government should be. But look at the record, look at the outcomes, the positive outcomes that tripartism has delivered for Singapore through the decades. Together, we have protected jobs, we have created stability, we have ensured prosperity for our workers, our businesses.
I hope we can continue to use this platform to support sustained tripartism as our competitive advantage, because by working hand-in-hand, we are not just navigating today's challenges, we are also securing a better, a brighter, a more secure future for Singapore and Singaporeans. I hope that is the legacy that we must preserve. [Applause.]
We have had a long debate and I think all the clarifications have been asked and answered.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read a Second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House.
The House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill. – [Dr Koh Poh Koon].
Bill considered in Committee.
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
Clauses 1 to 121 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
The First to Eighth Schedules ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Ninth Schedule –
Senior Minister of State Koh.
Mr Speaker, on behalf of the Minister, I beg to move the amendment* to Ninth Schedule standing in the Minister's name, as indicated in the Order Paper Supplement.
The amendments to clause 13 are required for the consistency across section 31(a) and section 31(1b) of the Work Injury Compensation Act to require both a designated employer's insurer and a designated platform operator's insurer to provide insurance.
*The amendment read as follows:
In page 182, line 8: to leave out "pay" and insert "provide".
Amendment agreed to.
The Ninth Schedule, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
*The Tenth Schedule ordered to stand part of the Bill. (proc text)]
Bill reported with an amendment; read a Third time and passed.
Order. I propose to take a break now. I suspend the Sitting and will take the Chair at 4.40 pm.
Sitting accordingly suspended
at 4.19 pm until 4.40 pm.
Sitting resumed at 4.40 pm.
[Deputy Speaker (Ms Jessica Tan Soon Neo) in the Chair]