Situation in the Middle East

Mr Speaker, Sir, I wish to make a Ministerial Statement on the situation in the Middle East. Senior Minister of State Ms Sim Ann and the Acting Minister-in-Charge of Muslim Affairs Assoc Prof Muhammad Faishal will subsequently deliver their Ministerial Statements addressing related issues.

Let me start by sketching the international context.

The Israeli conduct of the war in Gaza and the other actions they have taken in the West Bank has sparked renewed efforts by the international community to press Israel to change course. Recently, Singapore and a large majority of the member states at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly voted in favour of a resolution endorsing the New York Declaration to support the two-state solution. This resolution reflected widespread concern that the two-state solution is being eroded by Israel’s actions. Around 10 countries may announce recognition of Palestine later today at the UN. For some of them, the recognition will be conditional, predicated on the Palestinian Authority's commitment to renounce terrorism and to conduct administrative reform. They also expect, perhaps wishfully, for Hamas to disarm and to release all the hostages.

I will now lay out Singapore’s position on the recognition of Palestinian statehood. Allow me to start by setting out Singapore's national interests.

Singapore is a multiracial, multi-religious city state in the heart of Southeast Asia. Given our circumstances, that means we have three priorities. The first is maintaining national unity. The long-standing complicated tragedy of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict elicits strong and diverse reactions amongst Singaporeans. This is completely understandable. But we must express these different perspectives respectfully. We cannot allow external events or actors to cause fissures in our society. National policies and especially, foreign policy positions, must be based on Singapore's national interests and not on communal or religious perspectives; and we must never allow outsiders to exploit potential domestic fissures within our own society.

The second is protecting Singapore's security. We must never be complacent about the threat of terrorism and military conflict. As a small and open nation, we cannot condone terrorism in any form. We must never accept any excuse or any justification for the wanton killing of innocent civilians and the taking of hostages. Actually, whenever a terrorist incident occurs overseas, the questions that go through my mind are the following: "What if this had happened in Singapore? How would Singapore respond? What actions would our military and security agencies have to undertake? What would our diplomats say the next day at the United Nations?"

This is why we supported Israel's right of self-defence after the 7 October terrorist attacks, because if anything similar were to ever happen in Singapore, have no doubt, we would assert the same right of self-defence.

We also, for the sake of our security, need to maintain cooperation with international partners. This is to enhance our defence and our security capabilities and to keep Singapore safe. We all know that Israel helped us to build up the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) in our earliest years of Independence, when we were most vulnerable. This unique security relationship remains invaluable to us. But this does not stop us from conveying our views directly to the Israeli government, clearly and constructively, when we do not agree with their actions. We have done so and we will continue to do so.

The third is promoting respect for and compliance with international law. Singapore relies on clear rules and norms to safeguard our sovereignty as a tiny city state. A world based on "might is right" is fundamentally inimical to small states like us. So, it means Singapore must abide by and uphold international law consistently.

These three priorities surrounding our national interests have shaped our approach to the conflict in Gaza. On 7 October 2023 itself, Singapore immediately condemned the terrorist attack on Israel by Hamas and we recognised Israel's right of self-defence, in accordance with international law and the United Nations (UN) Charter. We have always and repeatedly called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

But in exercising its right to defend itself, Israel must comply with international humanitarian law. That includes the principle of proportionality in warfare. And our view is that Israel's actions in Gaza have gone too far, for too long. Israel's military operations, which have recently intensified in Gaza City, have exacerbated the prolonged, desperate suffering of innocent civilians. This is unconscionable. The scale of civilian death is harrowing. More than 60,000 people have been reportedly killed and a third of them children. Singapore condemns the killing of innocent civilians.

The humanitarian situation in Gaza is shocking. An estimated 90% of homes have been destroyed or damaged. Schools, hospitals, places of worship have been struck. Around 1.9 million or 90% of Gazans have been internally displaced. Medical services are incapacitated and overwhelmed. Gaza is dangerously close to famine levels and this was entirely preventable. We have all seen the heart wrenching pictures of Gazans, including young children scavenging for food. The deliberate and unlawful denial of humanitarian aid to a civilian population is completely unacceptable.

In our view, these excessive actions by the Israel government may even be a breach of international humanitarian law. The UN's Independent International Commission of Inquiry recently concluded that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. This matter is currently before the International Court of Justice, which is the appropriate forum to adjudicate such grave concerns.

In recent weeks, more aid, including from Singapore, has entered Gaza, but this is still woefully inadequate. Much more humanitarian supplies are urgently needed. Israel has a responsibility to facilitate this. It must lift all restrictions on its delivery and to allow the full and unimpeded flow of humanitarian aid. Palestinians must be enabled to access this aid safely and with dignity.

Singapore will continue to do what we can to contribute to international efforts to alleviate civilian suffering in Gaza. So far, the Government and Singaporeans have contributed 10 tranches of humanitarian aid. This includes the latest contribution by the Singapore Red Cross of about $1.2 million through the Egyptian Red Crescent, which was just announced during President Tharman Shanmugaratnam's State Visit to Egypt. Last month, SAF air-dropped urgent humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. In fact, this was the second air-drop operation conducted by SAF. We are grateful to our SAF Servicemen and women for stepping up to do this, to express our compassion.

Singapore will do more. And under our tenth tranche, we will support the following.

First, Egyptian hospitals in treating injured Palestinians. In fact, right now, a team of Singaporean doctors and clinicians are currently in Cairo to support the Nasser Institute in case consultations, for the more complicated cases. The SAF has deployed two liaison officers, based in Cairo, to coordinate Singapore's assistance in-theatre. We are working to deploy another medical team to Egypt to help treat even more patients from Gaza, when the conditions are conducive. Second, Jordan's Restoring Hope Initiative for Gaza. We will provide prosthetics supplies for about 100 Palestinian amputees who are being treated in Jordan and in Jordanian field hospitals in Gaza. Third, the World Food Programme's efforts to fight hunger in Gaza. We will contribute US$500,000.

All these efforts will bring our total humanitarian assistance for Gaza to more than $24 million.

Singapore will continue to support international efforts in the day-after scenarios, including through the Arab Reconstruction Plan. It is too early for specifics, but we will contribute financially and in-kind. But there needs, first, to be a permanent ceasefire and the hostages must be released unconditionally. Only then can physical reconstruction and healing begin.

On the issue of peacekeeping, which Mr Saktiandi Supaat has asked about, whilst the idea of a UN stabilisation mission in Gaza is being discussed informally, there is currently no formal proposal for a UN peacekeeping force in Gaza at the UN Security Council (UNSC). Singapore will study any UNSC resolution on this issue carefully and we will assess how we can support its implementation if it comes to pass in future.

Let me now turn to the issue of recognition. Singapore has made our position clear. In fact, we had changed our position in May last year. Let me state our position as of today. We will recognise the State of Palestine when it has an effective government that accepts Israel's right to exist and categorically renounces terrorism.

Allow me to take you through a brief review of history to put this position in context.

The two-state solution arose in 1947, when the UN General Assembly recommended the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into separate Arab and Jewish states. Jerusalem, under this same resolution, was supposed to be a separate, internationally administered entity. Unfortunately, the decades since then, have been littered with missed opportunities by both sides. For instance, the two-state formulation was accepted by the Jewish leadership in 1947 but rejected by the Arabs. The Jewish leadership took what was on the table, declared Independence, war broke out in 1948. In fact, it is only in November 1988 did the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) implicitly accept Israel's right to exist. This is back in 1988 and they proclaimed the State of Israel. And Singapore welcomed this Proclamation is because we viewed it as significant progress towards a two-state solution.

Unfortunately, notwithstanding the Oslo Accords in 1993 and 1995, none of the subsequent attempts to reach a final status agreement succeeded. In January 2006, Hamas won the Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its leader, Ismail Haniyeh, formed the government on the basis of a majority. But this was largely rejected by the international community, given Hamas' refusal to recognise Israel's right to exist, its rejection of peaceful co-existence and its propagation of terrorism. In June 2007, Hamas violently seized Gaza from the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority and has ruled in Gaza by force ever since then and there have been no elections in the Occupied Palestinian Territories for two decades.

So, two points are evident. First, whilst the Palestinian Authority administers the Occupied Palestinian Territories in the West Bank, it does not de facto control Gaza. Gaza is ruled by Hamas. For the last 18 years at least, there has not been a unified Palestinian government that exercises effective control in Palestinian Territories, including the West Bank and Gaza. What will happen in Gaza after the ceasefire remains unclear.

Second point, Hamas has consistently rejected Israel's right to exist. It has yet to renounce terrorism or agree to disarm. In fact, Hamas has vowed to repeat the terrorist attacks of 7 October, if given the opportunity again. On the other hand, Singapore enjoys good relations with the Palestinian Authority. We welcome its commitment to renounce terrorism, to carry out reforms and to disarm Hamas, as President Mahmoud Abbas stated in his letter to French President Emmanuel Macron in June this year. However, it remains to be seen whether the Palestinian Authority can really disarm and displace Hamas from Gaza.

We can hope, but hope, on its own, is not a reality. So, we will closely monitor the fulfilment of these commitments made by the Palestinian Authority.

Ultimately, to resolve this longstanding conflict in a comprehensive, just and durable manner, there needs to be a negotiated settlement which results in two states, one Israeli, one Palestinian, with their peoples living alongside each other in peace, security and dignity.

It seems like an impossible dream. As difficult and distant as it may now seem, nevertheless, we believe this is still the only viable pathway to a lasting peace. Singapore will continue to support any initiative to resume negotiations between the parties involved towards this ultimate goal.

Our position should not come as a surprise to people within this House and to our citizens outside Parliament. Singapore has consistently affirmed the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and their own state. Our voting record at the United Nations (UN) consistently reflects this.

Last year, we voted in favour of several resolutions which expressed support for the admission of Palestine as a UN member and affirmed the Palestinians' right to self-determination. We have also supported Palestine's right to be a "non-member observer state" in various international organisations, including the International Labour Organization and the Universal Postal Union, just to cite some examples.

So, what are the prospects for a two-state solution?

Regrettably, extremist elements on both sides continue to actively undermine the prospects for a two-state solution. Hamas has consistently said, "No." At the same time, there are Israeli settlers who continue to displace Palestinians in the West Bank. Some Israeli politicians have spoken explicitly about annexing parts of the West Bank or Gaza. Recently, the Israeli government signed an agreement to proceed with the so-called E1 settlement project in the West Bank. This will fragment the West Bank and threaten the contiguity of Arab towns in the Occupied Palestinian Territories even further.

Let me be clear. Singapore has consistently held that Israeli settlements are illegal under international law. We have voted in support of UN resolutions that reject Israeli settlement activities and we have called on Israel to rescind all unilateral measures seeking to change the status of Jerusalem. We call on the Israeli government to cease settlement construction and expansion. We oppose ongoing attempts to create new facts on the ground which undermine the prospects for a two-state solution.

Consequently, Singapore will impose targeted sanctions on the leaders of radical right-wing settler groups or organisations that have been responsible for acts of violence against Palestinians in the West Bank. Details will be announced at a later date. But this is a significant change.

Mr Speaker, Singapore’s approach to foreign policy is grounded on objective realities. In the case of Palestine, this is what we meant when we said that there is a need for an effective Palestinian government that accepts Israel's right to exist and categorically renounces terrorism. This has also been the prevailing view amongst many countries that see recognition as a meaningful step towards the ultimate goal of a negotiated two-state solution.

But yesterday and today, a few countries have chosen to change their position and to formally recognise the Palestinian state now, even as the prospects of a functioning state have in fact become more remote. They do so precisely to express their grave concern at the status quo and they hope that this will make it harder for Israel to extinguish a two-state solution altogether.

Singapore, so far, has maintained our position while doing as much as we can to help the Palestinian Authority strengthen their capabilities for future statehood. Singapore's support for a two-state solution means we will oppose any steps by Israel to extinguish or undermine such a solution. Singapore cannot recognise any unilateral annexation of occupied territory because this would be a flagrant breach of international law.

We will continue to track developments closely. Events are unfolding quickly and remain unpredictable. If the situation continues to deteriorate or if Israel takes further steps to extinguish a two-state solution, we will reconsider our position on recognising a Palestinian state.

In the meantime, Singapore will step up concrete, constructive support for the Palestinians in preparation for their eventual statehood. We will continue to support the Palestinian Authority's capacity-building efforts.

Our S$10 million Enhanced Technical Assistance Package has already benefitted more than 800 Palestinian officials. We will offer more scholarships for Palestinian students as well as community policing and leadership programmes. We established a Representative Office in Ramallah in 2022, which has been a focal point for our capacity-building efforts.

We have to continue engaging both the Palestinian Authority and Israel. I know there have been calls to cut diplomatic ties, but doing so would diminish our ability to communicate with Israel and, frankly, serve no practical purpose. Diplomacy is not just about engaging when there is agreement. It is arguably even more important when there is disagreement.

I recently had candid, open discussions with both my Israeli and Palestinian counterparts. I made it clear to Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar that we see the deliberate and unlawful denial of humanitarian aid to civilians as a breach of international humanitarian law. I told him that Israel's military response had gone on too far, for too long. The scope and the casualties were beyond what could be justified. I added that Israel's actions were inimical to its own long-term strategic and security interests.

Our links with both sides are useful, not just to get our point across, but also, in a very real way, for facilitating our humanitarian assistance for Palestinians, especially in Gaza. We have worked with both our Arab regional partners on this as well as with the Israelis, whose concurrence is essential for these efforts on the ground.

Ms Hazlina Abdul Halim has asked about our efforts to ensure that Israel abides by international law. When principles are breached, we speak our mind clearly. We will continue to call out actions by all and any side, including by the Israelis or Hamas, that breach international law.

Earlier this month, we had to call out Israel's airstrikes on Doha as a blatant violation of Qatar's sovereignty. We have also said that the deliberate and unlawful denial of humanitarian aid to civilians and people reportedly being shot while desperately trying to access food, in our view, is a violation of international humanitarian law.

Let me conclude by acknowledging a hard truth, which I hope both sides will grasp, in the spirit in which Singapore makes this point.

Territorial and political compromise is essential if this conflict is ever to be resolved. The Israeli people and the Palestinian people both exist as an objective reality. Both have claims to a sovereign state in their ancestral homeland. There can be no "river to the sea" for either side, because if you really try to effect that, some terrible consequences follow from that logically.

As a friend to the people on both sides, we only hope that in time, there will be political will, there will be inspired leadership on both sides to enter into direct negotiations on a two-state solution, consistent with the relevant UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions.

Mr Speaker, with your permission, may I ask that I respond to clarifications from Members after the Senior Minister of State Sim Ann and the Acting Minister Faishal have made their respective Ministerial Statements? We can then take all clarifications collectively.