Debated in Parliament on 23 Sep 2025.
I will try my best to keep it within 40 minutes.
Mr Deputy Speaker, I rise in support of the Motion. At each Opening of Parliament after a General Election (GE), it is customary for the PAP Government to reflect on our continuing political journey, what the people have told us with their votes during the GE. We then take stock of where we are, and what we need to do from here. This is what I will do today.
GE2025 was held against a global backdrop of war and uncertainty. It was also the first GE since the leadership transition. The stakes were therefore very high, as the outcome would shape how Singapore responds to the challenges ahead and would set the tone for our politics over the next five years.
It was a hard-fought election. In the end, Singaporeans made a decisive choice. Singaporeans gave the PAP a clear mandate to govern. We held our ground and increased our vote share from 2020. At the same time, the WP consolidated their ground in the constituencies they won in 2020 and increased their representation in Parliament by gaining two Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) seats.
We are witnessing first-hand this outcome reflected in the Chamber today. The PAP, with a decisive majority, and in a position to act fast and adapt to changes in our environment, for the benefit of Singaporeans. And at the same time, the WP is now the only opposition party in Parliament, with a sizeable presence to provide a check on the ruling party.
This is the outcome Singaporeans chose. Voters have clear expectations of the role they want each party to play: the PAP, as the Government they want; and the WP, as the opposition they want. Each party now has the important task of fulfilling the roles the electorate expects of us.
How we perform our respective roles will influence our nation's political development. This is just as critical as our economic or social development. Because having the right politics that preserves our values, and maintains trust in the system of governance, is essential. It helps keep our social order intact and allows individuals and communities to flourish. Without the right politics, our society will be broken, and no amount of economic growth or Government programmes will be able to put things right.
So, what is right for Singapore? And how, should we, as elected representatives, do right by Singapore and Singaporeans? As we reflect on GE2025, these are my key takeaways and there are four.
First, GE2025 showed that Singaporeans value a stable and effective Government that will safeguard our well-being. The uncertain global and economic environment was undoubtedly on Singaporeans' minds when we went to the polls. Voters therefore leaned towards stability, choosing a government with a proven track record of steering the country through crises. We did so after "September 11", the Global Financial Crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Given the global circumstances, I believe Singaporeans also want a government that not just takes care of domestic concerns, but also defends Singapore's interests on the global stage, ensuring that Singapore stands tall among the community of nations.
We, on this side of the House, therefore cannot be complacent. We will continue to step up our efforts to engage Singaporeans, understand the people's concerns and address them. We will uphold the PAP's ethos, always think and plan long-term, to serve the current and future generations of Singaporeans.
The second lesson is that our political system is still evolving. The GE2025 results show that Singaporeans want the PAP to remain in Government and to act decisively for Singapore. At the same time, the people also want an opposition in Parliament, as an alternative voice, and to provide a check on the Government.
Let me share a story. Not long after GE, I went to a coffeeshop, queuing up for "tze char". After I ordered, I chatted with fellow patrons, a middle-aged couple. They turned out to be my residents. They said they live in Sembawang. And we had a good chat. They were very friendly to me. They said opposite their house, Bukit Canberra, there were a wonderful swimming pool, a polyclinic and a hawker centre. And finally, when they got their food, they were leaving, they said, "Minister, I want to tell you. I did not vote for you because we have to give the opposition a chance". After all that friendly talk.
But this is the reality the PAP is facing. We may work hard, we deliver for residents, who may even say they like us. Yet, they vote for the opposition, while expecting that the PAP will still return to government.
Voters like this couple did not form the majority in Sembawang during GE2025. If their numbers had been bigger, I might not be standing here today, neither will Ms Mariam Jaafar.
The PAP understands and accepts our voters' desires for an opposition. That is why after GE2020, then-Prime Minister Lee formalised the position of the Leader of the Opposition. In GE2025, even before the campaign began, we said that the chances of an opposition wipeout were zero and we were right.
The election outcome suggests that Singaporeans are judiciously balancing between having PAP as government and an opposition presence as a check and balance. Calls for one-third of the seats to be held by the opposition did not sway voters. The WP, in fact, deliberately chose to contest fewer than one-third of the seats. I do not think this was solely for lack of suitable candidates. It was a considered, strategic decision, reading the mood of the electorate.
Collectively, Singaporeans decided to maintain the Parliamentary composition of the previous term. I infer that voters must have felt that it worked well for Singapore in the previous term of Government. After all, with a decisive majority, the PAP attended to important matters of the state and could guide Singapore through a devastating pandemic crisis. On issues such as cost of living, the opposition amplified ground concerns in Parliament. Each played the role the public expected.
Through GE2025, I believe voters are saying to us, "Make this composition work for Singapore once again".
Any future shift from this current composition will, no doubt, be carefully weighed by Singaporeans. Voters' judgement will depend on many factors, such as the quality of the candidates on both sides, the performance of the PAP as the ruling party in leading the country, our sensitivity and response to ground concerns, the performance of the WP as a responsible opposition voice, as they characterise themselves and the standards of honesty and integrity displayed by both parties.
This is a dynamic balance. It is not fixed in stone. It is quite possible other opposition parties besides the WP will come in the next time. They certainly are working hard to remain players. This is part of our political evolution.
The third lesson is that Singaporeans continue to be moderate and pragmatic in our political philosophy. Voters expect our politics and politicians to reflect that. Significantly, we did not see the surge in populism that has occurred in many countries. To be clear, every politician hopes to be popular. But to be a populist and practise populism, that is entirely a different thing.
Populists tend to employ an "us versus them" framing, which pits one group against another. They gain support by presenting themselves as champions of "the people", standing up fighting against elites, the institutions, or outsiders.
Further, populists offer simplistic solutions to complex problems and appeal mostly to emotions. Upon closer scrutiny, people will realise these simplistic solutions do not work. But when people are disillusioned and they are disgruntled, they hope for a silver bullet and they may give these simplistic solutions a chance.
Across the world, we have seen the rise of populism. It can be on the extreme left; it can be on the extreme right. For example, left-wing populism has a long history in Argentina – heavy taxes on the rich and on businesses to fund social spending, and a fight for labour rights. There is nothing inherently wrong with those positions and those policies. But when pushed to the extreme, businesses in Argentina prefer to go elsewhere. Jobs are destroyed, confidence evaporates, the currency collapses, and the economy goes into a tailspin. In the end, the workers and the ordinary people are the ones who suffer. This has happened to Argentina many times over the decades, but the populist movement persists in the country.
More common now is right-wing, far-right populism, often attributed to higher levels of immigration. We see it in the US, in Europe, in United Kingdom (UK), even in Australia and Japan. When the population starts to feel uncomfortable with the size of the inflow of immigrants, far-right politicians seize the opportunity to stoke nativist and anti-immigrant sentiments.
Populism takes societies on the road to ruin, creating irreconcilable rifts between communities, and fuelling xenophobia and racism. With no consideration for the long-term consequences or broader impact on society, eventually, either their fiscal system goes broke, or the society breaks apart.
Let us not think Singapore is immune to populism. We have witnessed populism in this Chamber too. This is for the benefit of new Members. Soon after GE2020, there were allegations by the Progress Singapore Party (PSP) that our Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with India, the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA), allowed professionals from India "a free hand" to come work in Singapore, and that was the cause of the employment challenges faced by Singaporean professionals.
It was a seductive and simplistic argument, which took on an ugly racial tone. CECA-themed websites sprouted, filled with disturbing xenophobic views. Minister Shanmugam called out the behaviour in Parliament. I was a former trade negotiator. I knew that the allegations were false, and I volunteered to deliver a Ministerial Statement on how FTA works, to debate the PSP and to clear the air. Then Minister Tan See Leng explained what the Government was doing to address the challenges faced by Singaporean professionals, which were not caused by the FTAs.
More constructive engagement helps build up our defences against populism. But the best defence against populism is for the people to reject it. To our great relief, that was what happened during GE2025. No party or candidate won any seat by proposing unsustainable social welfare programmes, tearing down institutions, or by stoking anti-foreigner sentiments. Instead, our better angels prevailed.
But we must understand this: populism does not appear out of nowhere or out of thin air. It arises from genuine, understandable concerns among the people, over the inequality they see in society, or excessive competition for jobs and space from foreigners.
Hence, the seeds of populism exist in every society. The question is whether these seeds are allowed to take root and grow. Anyone who peddles soft, partial truths, easy but incomplete solutions, waters these seeds; anyone who refuses the hard cognitive work of formulating rational policies provides fertile ground for the seeds.
The PAP government's job is to be keenly aware of what Singaporeans may be concerned about, address these concerns early, openly, and sensibly, and not let them fester and turn into something ugly that feeds populism. We did that hard work during the last term of government and we will continue to do so.
I should also add that although we kept populism at bay during GE2025, we came dangerously close when race and religion got mixed with politics. The Prime Minister himself had to call this out in the middle of the campaign. If things had played out differently, there would have been dire and lasting implications for the unity, harmony and very fabric of Singaporean society. We will have more to say about this later in this debate.
The final lesson from this GE is that Singaporeans are holding political parties to higher standards. This includes demanding more substantive information and arguments during an election.
Digital media is here to stay. It has led to a torrent of memes and attention-grabbing short videos popping up online, especially during the campaign. Many offer nothing more than a moment of entertainment or an emotional outlet. Some amount of such froth and frivolity is unavoidable during election season. But I do not think that the average voter has therefore become frivolous as a result.
On the contrary, Singaporeans are becoming more discerning, demanding quality information on policies put forth by various parties. The fact that Singaporeans take their duty as voters seriously was particularly apparent during GE2025, when voters attended rallies, if they missed these, they watched them online, some watched a second time Many turned to long-form podcasts, invested time to listen to candidates’ motivations and opinions; they left thoughtful comments and suggestions for candidates to think about.
Voters showed us that they are not easily persuaded by slogans or catchy phrases alone. They carefully weighed in-depth opinions and substantive explanations of policy proposals; while populist and simplistic proposals were treated with suspicion.
This willingness to take the time and trouble over political issues that we saw emerge during GE2025 may well be the defining characteristic of the Singaporean voter, but we cannot take it for granted.
Shortly after the hustings, the Leader of the Opposition appeared on a podcast with Keluar Sekejap in Malaysia and said that the PAP avoided engaging on difficult issues during the campaign.
I have a different view from Mr Pritam Singh. In fact, I think there was substantive discourse during the GE2025 campaign. When the issue of Goods and Services Tax (GST) came up again during the GE, the Prime Minister repeated the reasons for the increase. Ministers spoke at rallies and went on podcasts to further explain our policy positions.
The fact that the subject of GST did not catch fire during the campaign does not mean there was no discourse. It means that the PAP’s explanations went at least some way to soothe people’s natural unhappiness over a tax increase. Hence, more importantly, political discourse should not just happen during election campaigns. A hallmark of good governance is sustaining it throughout the term. And we have been engaging Singaporeans in this House, in and outside this House, on issues such as housing, cost of living and immigration. The WP themselves participated actively when we have debates in this Chamber.
As politics in Singapore mature, this is what Singaporeans expect. They want to hear different perspectives, and see a contest of good ideas, so that the best ones can be used to take Singapore forward. This is a much more meaningful discourse.
This is why alternative visions and pathways matter. The PAP has its set of governing principles and policies to take Singapore forward. Opposition parties can play an important role by setting out their long-term ideas, presenting clear alternative visions for governance, and outlining the pathways and policies to get there.
For alternatives to be meaningful, they must go beyond tweaking at the margins of Government proposals, or simply jumping on the bandwagon every time an issue goes viral. Singaporeans want to see clear, well-considered visions that allow them to weigh real choices about our nation’s future.
We see this dynamic institutionalised in other mature democracies. In the UK for example, the Tories were in favour of Brexit; while Labour was pro-EU. There was a referendum, Tories won. In Germany, the Christian Democratic Union is more conservative; the Social Democratic Party leans towards social spending; the Greens champion environmental sustainability. In the US, the Republicans traditionally favour low taxes and a small government; the Democrats, the opposite.
These distinct futures entail very different sets of policies. Such as how government taxes and spends, how it grows the economy and creates jobs, tackles inequality, brings about greater social mobility, or protects the environment. Different political parties ought to make clear these differences in their pitch to voters.
The WP has perhaps done this from time to time. For example, calling for zero growth in the number of foreign workers as opposed to a controlled inflow; or their preference for other forms of direct taxes instead of the broad-based GST; or spending more of the income from reserves on the current generation of Singaporeans, instead of an equal apportionment between current and future generations, which is the PAP’s position.
The Leader of Opposition had mentioned in a podcast I heard, describes Singapore as a "1.5 party system", with WP as the 0.5. I feel that if WP is positioning itself as the 0.5 in the 1.5 party system, I think it needs to present a principled, consistent and coherent approach to the main challenges facing Singapore.
In a maturing democracy, voters deserve and want more than positions that agree with the PAP’s policies in general but suggest "let’s do a bit more", or offer something that appears to be more generous, more compassionate, and yet requires fewer hard choices. This falls short of being a real alternative. A real alternative promises gains with accompanying trade-offs, so that voters can make informed decisions and not be lulled into comforting illusions.
The PAP, for example, we say we must continue to fund healthcare with an ageing population, and to afford that GST has got to go up. That is a real proposal.
In a mature democracy, these are the kinds of issues that should form the substance of political debate. It should be a design feature, not a bug. That way, a vote for the PAP is not just a vote for a government that is decisive and nimble, but also an endorsement of the PAP’s principles and tried and tested methods of governance. A vote for the opposition is not just a vote for checks and balances, but also the policies and directions that will follow from that vote.
I should further underscore that each vote is also an endorsement of the character and commitment of the candidates standing behind the party’s banner. This is how our democracies should work. And if voters vote wisely, this is how we can continue to strengthen trust, accountability and good governance in Singapore.
Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, in the lead-up to and during the hustings, I appeared as a guest on several podcasts. On one of them, the host asked me, in all seriousness: "Why can’t the political parties just get along? Someone come with a good idea, you say 'That is a good idea, lets work on it together.' Why can't you do that?" My response to him was along the following lines, but today I am elaborating a little bit.
Humans are the only living things capable of living in large and complex societies, where different groups with diverse, sometimes diametrically opposed interests, aspirations and affiliations can co-exist peacefully. One might hope that such harmony be a perpetual state of affairs. But harmony is never guaranteed. In fact, in the earlier civilisations, humans formed tribes and kingdoms to compete against and kill one another. Tragically, this is still happening in some societies today.
Our ability to co-exist in complex societies rests primarily on good governance. In societies with the right preconditions, democracy plays a big part. Various groups find their representation in political parties which then contest elections. The winners secure a mandate to govern in line with the vision and plans that they campaigned on. Not everyone will be happy with the outcome, but in a mature democracy, the minority will accept what the majority have chosen. The majority may also make compromises so that the minority can better accept the outcomes. As for the parties that lost, they will bide their time, and hope to topple the winner in the next electoral cycle. This is how a democracy works. What would have been brutal wars and bloodshed amongst competing factions is now replaced by political debate and a democratic contest between political parties. Better jaw-jaw than war-war.
Contest, debate, compromises and political parties trying to outdo each other are therefore inherent to our society and system of governance. It was a serious response to a serious question on the podcast. My hosts made light of it, but I think they were disappointed, even worried. They may have good cause to be. We have seen, elsewhere, how political contestation has hardened into divisive politics often tied to identity and driven deep wedges between communities. Voters and politicians alike take increasingly polarised positions. Politics then turns into an all-out struggle. The result is entrenched division and lasting discord. But this need not be the inevitable outcome of political contest. The true test of a good system of governance lies in its ability to hold a diverse society together despite disagreements, thereby strengthening unity and cohesion.
To do this, society must get its politics right.
All of us in this Parliament have a role to play, by conducting ourselves in a manner worthy of the trust Singaporeans have placed in us. I have gone through my takeaways from GE2025 to remind us of what these roles are.
To my fellow Singaporeans, I say: continue to be discerning, demanding of information, insights and alternative visions and pathways for the nation, so that collectively, we can decide the kind of future we want, and who best to lead us there.
To my fellow MPs, I say: address the needs of our residents at the local level; discharge our roles as legislators in this Chamber; and most importantly, perform our duties with integrity and with honour.
As for the PAP, the ruling party, we will always strive to address issues that are of deep concern to Singaporeans. We commit ourselves to be a Government for all Singaporeans, including those who did not vote for us, like the couple I met at the tze char stall, including those who are too young to vote, including the future generations yet to be born. We must uphold the principles of governance that brought us here. We must recognise the trade-offs in every policy move and carefully balance the various considerations and then explain to the people our decision. Above all, we must always think long term for Singapore.
And as for the WP, I hope you are, as you have described yourself, a loyal and responsible opposition, deserving of your significant presence in Parliament. That means remaining loyal to Singapore, to our people and to the national values that have brought us peace, stability and progress over the last 60 years. As the sole Opposition party in Parliament, the WP must justify its standing and develop its own alternative vision, policies and pathways for Singapore. An alternative path and vision are the essence of democratic discourse, and also what a more discerning and informed populace expects to see. And there are some cardinal rules that all political parties must abide by, whether in or out of Parliament.
Integrity in politics is crucial, on both sides of the aisle. Singaporeans have come to expect high standards of honesty and accountability from the government and the governing party. These same standards must apply to opposition parties, particularly those which present themselves as a serious alternative. Whether it is the Prime Minister or the Leader of the Opposition, the same standards must be upheld, both by the persons themselves and by the public.
Unfortunately, from time to time, we will have members that commit acts that are unethical, even illegal. Human nature being what it is, no political party is immune to that. But when that happens, how we respond as a political party matters. We need to acknowledge the shortcomings, take decisive actions, take responsibility, reflect and do what is necessary to prevent future occurrences. We have an overriding duty to preserve the integrity of our institutions and of the political system as a whole.
The President also spoke about needing to prioritise our unity and resisting any politics that seeks to divide Singapore and Singaporeans. Regardless of which side of the House we sit on, we must never allow foreign actors to influence what is for Singaporeans to decide. We must not exploit foreign controversies for domestic political advantage, nor allow foreigners to exploit our domestic politics to drive a wedge in our society. We must protect our common space. Reject populism. Never pit one group against another, nor sacrifice the common good for narrow interests or short-term political gains. I hope everyone in this Chamber will agree with what I just outlined.
It is my sincere wish that both sides of this House will come together in this long-term endeavour to forge a strong system of governance for Singapore and all Singaporeans, regardless of race, language, religion, or political affiliation. Only then, can politics truly serve the greater good of our country. Only then, will we continue to draw strength from our diversity, as we always have so far. That is, and must remain, our unique Singapore advantage. That way, Singapore will be better governed than most. We will stand tall in the world. We will remain proud to be Singaporeans – who sing the same national anthem, recite the same pledge, and call this little red dot home. And we will know, deep in our hearts, that we are unbreakable as one people. [Applause.]
Leader of the Opposition, you have a clarification of the speech by the Minister? It is a clarification of the speech?
I have three clarifications —
Please proceed.
Clarifications for the hon Minister. I must say I never expected a report card of the PAP performance and GE2025, so I will respond as how the Minister delivered his speech in that order as far as I can.
The Minister made a point that at the conclusion of the elections, the PAP will work hard for those who did not vote for it as well. I second that position because immediately when the results were announced, when I thanked voters of Aljunied GRC, I made the same point to the voters in Aljunied GRC: you may not have voted the WP – and about 40% of them did not – my commitment to them, as was the commitment I made to them in 2020, was we would serve them equally.
Taking that as my preamble, the first point I would like to make is about a point I know the PAP harps on a lot, which is a demand for alternative policies, ideas and so forth. The Minister spoke about mature democracies, he used the example of political systems in the UK, in Germany, real choices.
We have to look at both these societies as what they are and how deep the political systems are compared to ours. We have had a one-party dominant system since Independence. These two societies are very different, so it is inevitable that alternatives would be a key function of what each of these parties – be it democratic socialists, christian socialists, labour, conservatives – what they bring to the voter in their societies.
Our system is very different. We deal with significant asymmetries of information.
I move onto the next point the Minister made. He made it a little bit earlier about the WP in his view, in his opinion, deliberately choosing to contest less than one third of the seats. We had roughly, if I remember correctly, one and a half months from the time the electoral boundaries report was released and Nomination Day – thereabouts. In that time the opposition, specifically the WP, we have got to organise the individuals we have, the members we have, and persuade them to stand for the GE. It is a short period of time, and in that period of time, you also have to deal with the reality of new single member constituencies (SMCs), sometimes new GRCs. So, we are not clairvoyant. Unlike the Government, we do not have the capacity to conduct survey after survey to understand where the population is on certain issues. So, the realities are quite different.
But in spite of that, I take the Minister's point that Singaporeans want an alternative and since they want an alternative, we do our best to present it to them. We put together some collaterals for members of the public to review, put together a manifesto, where we differ from the PAP, and put together our ideas for the voter to consider.
I disagree with the Minister when he says there is no chance of an opposition wipeout. In the circumstances that the PAP is in, and the opposition are in in Singapore, given the tremendous resources that are available to the PAP to reach out on a day-to-day level in the constituency, through the Peoples Association (PA), for example, it is chalk and cheese.
Mr Singh, if I could invite you to kindly progress to your clarifications, rather than preamble it with a long speech? I have listened very carefully, and I am trying to thread through what you are saying based on what Minister Ong Ye Kung has said. I think you can get to your clarifications in a little bit more efficient manner. So, I invite you to go to your clarifications, Mr Singh.
So, my clarification really has been already shared in terms of the Minister's view of whether there was a deliberate decision made to contest fewer seats. Like I said, we are not clairvoyant, we put the best people we can find forward and present what we can in the circumstances, to represent an alternative for Singaporeans.
The last clarification that I would like to put forth is with regard to what was shared with the Minister in the podcast, where I think the words were "why can't everyone work together?" The Minister used a very interesting analogy, which I probably would not. "Jaw-jaw and war-war" if I remember, was used by Churchill in a very aggressive way.
I would say the question that we face as a society now is a little simpler. We are at a very interesting juncture, an important transition in our history as a country. Are we prepared to accept, is the PAP government prepared to accept for example, an opposition MP who has the mandate from the public welcoming new citizens into Singapore? Is the Government prepared to allow opposition MPs to be present and to welcome these new citizens as part of our society? Because that would reflect a certain maturity that I believe is where Singapore has arrived at, and if I can be so bold, it may well be something that Singaporeans demand of the PAP.
So, as much as the PAP wants us to consider alternatives, which I think you are entitled to, I think the PAP should also consider from the WP's perspective, how we can be more united as a people.
Mr Singh, if I could kindly request you to summarise your last point? You have gone a little bit further than what the content of Minister Ong's speech was. I have given you leeway. Please summarise your last clarification in order for Minister Ong then to reply if he so wishes.
So, I would suggest that as much as there is scope for alternatives from the opposition, there is scope for the PAP also to play a part in building a more united Singapore with the opposition in mind.
Minister Ong Ye Kung, would you like to respond to those clarifications?
Certainly. It should not quite be presented as clarifications, so I will try to respond in general.
The people demand many things of us, both as ruling party as well as opposition. I think the people will increasingly demand coherent alternatives from WP, put together principles, philosophies. What is your vision? What is the pathway? How do we get there? What is the set of policies? And to your credit from time to time you have mentioned some of them but the people will demand coherent set of consistent policies and principles. And they will demand likewise PAP to do better and for all their demands, we will have to reflect, "What can we do better for the people?
The Leader of Opposition mentioned a couple of his pet peeves, one is boundaries coming out a month and a half before the election. I should say this: most PAP MPs in this House, when the boundaries reports come out, everyone scrambles, we were equally scrambling. Whenever the boundaries come out, suddenly you have an SMC, suddenly you have to form another division, re-deploy your volunteers. We may have an advantage because we are present in every constituency, so maybe there is an advantage there. But we are also scrambling every time the boundaries reports come out.
But we know it is necessary. The population changes, new developments, a group of civil servants look at the data and they propose new boundaries. We have to let them do their job and adapt to it.
The Leader of Opposition mentioned PA and citizenship ceremony. I will just say, under the Constitution and the law, an elected MP has two functions. One is to be a legislator in this House, the other is to manage the Town Council. There is no PA. PA and grassroots work is a policy of the PAP Government. That we decided to set up a Statutory Board, gather as many volunteers as we can, and gauge the ground, bring communities together, help the children grow up well, help parents cope with parenting, help the seniors stay healthy, promote exercise – none of this is in the law or Constitution. But we do that to help our constituencies and our residents.
Citizenship ceremony is one such event. I do not know of any country where you become a new citizen, the grassroots hold an event and talk to you about being Singaporean, what it means and then sing the national anthem and gather together. So, these are all part of the PAP policies to engage the ground.
The Leader of Opposition talks about no chance of a wipeout. In the hearts of Singaporeans, they know that there is no chance of a wipeout. And reading the ground, we know there is no chance of a wipeout.
The desire for a check on the PAP is very strong, precisely because we have a good majority. And that desire is so strong we see cases all the time, like what I mentioned, the couple at the tze char stall, friendly to us, like what we are doing, "want you to be Government", want me to continue as Health Minister, but "I am not voting for him, I need to support the opposition".
You have a role here. The opposition has a role in the governance of Singapore, and we have to take that seriously and accept there is no chance of a wipeout. There is no equilibrium, it is a dynamic balance. From term to term, people will have a different balance in their mind, but we must accept that people now want the PAP government; for now, they want the PAP government, but they also want an opposition presence.
Mr Pritam Singh talked about our circumstances being different from the UK or US. In 1963, this was a much smaller Chamber with 13 Barisan Sosialis Members, minority, small minority. But they stood for a different vision, with different sets of policies. They disagreed with the PAP on big issues of the day – merger with Malaysia, teaching of language, particularly Chinese, National Service. After 1965, of course, it then became PAP-dominant.
But over the years, we saw WP come some way – from one to two single seats, they now have two GRCs, plus a couple of single seats and two NCMPs. Mr Pritam Singh is now the Leader of the Opposition. There is no chance of a wipeout, in our view, and people expect WP to play an important role. And in this GE2025, the WP were quite close to winning another two GRCs. Next election, no doubt, it will be even more tough. And when you have come this far, I do believe the people will demand and Singapore will need WP to come up with alternate policies, as in the past, Barisan Sosialis did with a small number of seats.
I say all these not that I wish it will come true. But should WP really rise to the occasion and do this and be able to stand and contest the ruling party as the democrats and republicans do each other in the US, or Tories and Labour do each other in UK, actually, life will be harder for PAP. Contest will be so much more intense. People will be so much more discerning with who they choose. But it is the right political direction for Singapore; focus our energy.
I take the Member's point about "jaw-jaw" and "war-war". We are not really fighting, but we are arguing. We are presenting different views. We are arguing the merits and trade-offs of those directions, and those visions when Singaporeans choose. If we focus our energy on such discourse, I think it is the right direction for Singapore. [Applause.]
No further clarifications, Leader of the Opposition? None. Then, we will move on. Mr Saktiandi Supaat.
Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, I thank the President for his Address and I support the Motion.
As the President reminded us, we are living in "a more unsettled and chaotic world". These external uncertainties are beyond our control. But what we can control is how we strengthen our social compact at home. That is how we ensure peace, security and prosperity for our people.
Mr Deputy Speaker, as the President also reminded us, fairness is a work never finished. Singapore has long held meritocracy as a core value, that effort and ability should determine success, not birth or background. While aggregate inequality measures have not worsened materially in recent years, the lived experience tells a different story. Basic costs, housing and education opportunities still weigh more heavily on some households, and perceptions of unfairness remain real. This is what academics call the gap between macro trends and lived realities. If left unaddressed, it can weaken trust in our social compact.
Equality, like fairness, is never absolute but our duty is to keep narrowing the gaps so that opportunities and security are shared across society. So, I will focus on three areas: protecting livelihoods, ensuring retirement adequacy and empowering every Singaporean, young and old, to co-pilot our shared future. Mr Deputy Speaker, in Malay, please.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] As the President has reminded us, Singapore must always uphold the principle of "we first" – ensuring that economic growth benefits everyone and that no one is left behind.
The inflation rate has declined from 6.1% in 2022 to 0.8% in June this year. Nevertheless, families still feel the pressure at the market, at clinics and when paying utility bills. Prices today are much higher compared to three years ago. However, Government measures, such as the Assurance Package and CDC vouchers, have helped significantly. But as the Prime Minister reminded us, these are not long-term solutions.
While inflation affects everyone, its impact is most keenly felt by low-income families. Meritocracy only works when basic needs are met and opportunities are distributed fairly. Equality of opportunity does not come naturally. It must be pursued through policies that provide protection to those most affected.
Therefore, I would like to propose an automatic Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) mechanism. Additional relief to schemes, like ComCare or Silver Support, can be activated when inflation for essential goods exceeds a certain threshold. With smart monitoring using artificial intelligence, this relief can be delivered accurately in a timely, targeted and predictable manner.
To make this proposal more practical, I recommend three key features. First, essential basket trigger based on inflation in food, utilities, transport and healthcare. Second, automatic activation. When inflation exceeds 3% to 4% on an annual average, assistance is adjusted in the next cycle. Third, scaled and controlled. More assistance is given to those who are less fortunate, with limits to ensure fiscal sustainability.
This is not something new. In the US, social security benefits are automatically adjusted according to inflation. Canada and many European countries also adjust pensions and social welfare annually. Even Japan links pensions to the Consumer Price Index (CPI), despite experiencing periods of low inflation. This shows that COLA mechanisms are not excessive promises, but prudent measures to protect dignity and stability.
Mr Deputy Speaker, I am aware that Singapore's inflation rate is on average, low, around 2%, and now below 1%. But what matters more is our people’s actual experience when food or utility prices increase much faster than the average CPI. For families living on tight budgets, even moderate inflation feels very burdensome. This is why a targeted COLA mechanism can provide assurance where it is most needed.
I also acknowledge concerns that such a mechanism might be seen as fiscally unsustainable, seemingly creating unlimited liability when inflation spikes. But that is not my proposal. Singapore's version must be targeted, capped and reviewed annually. It would only apply to certain basic schemes, activated only when clear thresholds are exceeded, and assistance provided according to need. In this way, we balance compassion with fiscal discipline, building a safety net for the most vulnerable, while maintaining Singapore's traditional prudence.
Additionally, we should also consider a Caregiver Credit or Support, similar to the Workfare Income Supplement Scheme, to recognise and provide better support to those who temporarily need to exit the workforce to care for children, elderly parents or relatives with disabilities or chronic illnesses. Such a scheme could provide CPF contributions or direct financial support, so that caregivers do not have to sacrifice their long-term security while caring for family. I heard all these during the M3 post-National Day Rally dialogue last year, where I received appeals from caregivers requesting improvements, for instance, on the issues of caregiver leave and financial assistance for them.
(In English): Mr Deputy Speaker, I will now continue in English. Beyond helping families manage today's cost pressures, we must also think long-term, about retirement adequacy and how Singaporeans can age with dignity. The President reminded us that fairness is a work never finished. One of the key tests of fairness is how we care for seniors after a lifetime of work.
By 2030, one in four citizens will be aged 65 and above. We must ensure retirement adequacy for all. We should be prepared for more elderly couples living on their own, as more and more young Singaporeans aspire to live independently sooner. Ensuring the retirement adequacy of each and every Singaporean is, therefore, critical in our goal for our seniors to age actively with dignity and purpose.
Our CPF system is rightly regarded as one of the most sustainable in the world. Having previously been involved in the earlier round of CPF changes as a member of the CPF advisory panel, there is broad consensus that our CPF system works, even as we try to figure how we can tweak it to make it better. In contrast, rising life expectancies, inflationary pressures and changing work patterns have caused many pension systems abroad to falter because benefits have not kept pace with inflation, or because public finances are overstretched. We must act early to guard against these risks. I have some suggestions.
First, predictability. While MOM has announced that it will raise the Basic Retirement Sum for future cohorts, can we give Singaporeans more certainty by setting out a 10- to 15-year path of increase? This way, families can plan ahead with confidence and each increment will hopefully be less politicised or face less sceptical questioning of its motives.
Second, inclusivity. We should further strengthen CPF top-ups and matching schemes. The Matched Retirement Savings Scheme has helped seniors with smaller CPF balances, but its income ceiling and eligibility criteria are presently narrow. We could, perhaps, expand it to include part-time workers, caregivers re-entering the workforce and even selected groups of younger workers in their 30s and 40s, so that interest compounding works in their favour earlier in life.
Third, protection. To protect retirees from spikes in inflation, I propose an inflation-linked CPF LIFE options, so payouts rise in line with the cost of living. Currently, CPF LIFE only offers lifelong monthly payouts on the decreasing Basic plan, the constant Standard plan or the increasing Escalating plan. Under my proposal, the base payouts may start slightly lower, but they will rise in tandem with the CPI. As with the other plans, this would be on a voluntary opt-in basis and it should assuage members who fear the erosion of purchasing power after they stop working.
Fourth, equity. It may also be time to review the 4% interest floor on Retirement Accounts, which was set back in 2008. A modest increase, or alternatively, on a tiered floor for the first $60,000, would especially benefit lower-income seniors who have smaller CPF balances.
Fifth, Mr Deputy Speaker, flexibility. Simplify the Lease Buyback Scheme and create a family buyback option, letting children co-purchase part of the lease to provide parents retirement cashflow, for example.
Sixth, dignity in work. Enhance re-employment incentives, longer contracts and phased-down roles for seniors, while keeping CPF contributions meaningful.
And finally, seventh, Mr Deputy Speaker, healthcare assurance. Explore a combined MediSave retirement plan, setting aside part of payouts for healthcare, with an opt-out for those already well-covered, where part of payouts are automatically set aside for healthcare expenditure in excess of what is covered by MediShield Life. This would reduce anxiety for seniors, who often fear that a single hospital bill, a single hospital bill, could wipe out their retirement savings. This can be implemented with an opt-out mechanism for seniors who are adequately secured by hospitalisation or accident insurance.
Mr Deputy Speaker, these proposed refinements will together boost confidence in our retirement system and its ability to see each of us through life. They will give assurance that no Singaporean, after a lifetime of work, will be left to face old age amidst insecurity.
Mr Deputy Speaker, as the President also noted, we must give every citizen confidence about their place in society and that begins with our youths. They must be co-pilots of our journey and not passengers. Youth unemployment is higher than national average and many worry about employability in an age of AI.
So, first, evolve SkillsFuture into a family credit system: more credits when more family members upskill together. Second, the suggestion will be to expand the SkillsFuture Level-Up Programme to Singaporeans below 40, so that younger workers can also upgrade and pivot. Third, broaden the definition of success. Let us celebrate entrepreneurship, trades, the arts and sports, not just traditional jobs.
For the arts, perhaps, the expanded National Arts Council scholarships could also explore a "dual career" pathway, similar to what spexEducation provides for our Team Singapore athletes. This would reassure talented artists that they can pursue their craft with confidence, while also having academic and career options to fall back on. It would make a career in the arts not just inspiring, but also sustainable.
And fourth, prioritise mental well-being. With one in three youths facing severe stress or anxiety, we must normalise seeking help, expanding counselling access and create safe spaces.
Mr Deputy Speaker, research from the National Institute of Education at the Nanyang Technological University and others finds that many young Singaporeans perceive our meritocracy as too narrowly focused on early academic performance – narrowing definitions of success and straining student well-being. We must broaden our pathways if equality of opportunity is to remain real.
At the same time, vices like vaping pose risks. Enforcement alone is insufficient. So, we must guide youths back through positive communities – in gaming, arts, social causes or professional networks. Our youths are our future and our promise for the next 60 years.
Mr Deputy Speaker, whether facing global storms or domestic challenges, we must keep our social compact strong. As the President reminded us, fairness is never finished. It must be renewed in every generation. And if fairness is never finished, then equality and meritocracy are also work never finished. It is not enough to reward effort – we must also level the playing field, so that every Singaporean, regardless of birth or background, has a true chance to rise.
Singapore’s story has never been written by Government alone. It has always been co-authored by our people – families, workers, entrepreneurs, communities alike.
If we hold fast to this spirit of partnership – recognising that putting “we first” does not mean neglecting “me first” – that our personal success is strengthened when our community succeeds. We can forge a new compact: one where growth is inclusive, every Singaporean has a stake and our youths are inspired to lead the future. Together, let us carry Singapore forward with confidence, courage, unity, equality so that social mobility is always a possibility. [Applause.]
Senior Minister of State Dr Koh Poh Koon.
Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, the President’s Address has set out the vision for the next chapter of Singapore’s journey. This includes enhancing assurance at every stage of life as our economy transforms and enabling long-term employability and protecting our vulnerable.
MOM supports this vision. We will empower Singaporeans to prepare for the future economy, support our workers through their life stages and uplift and protect vulnerable workers – leaving no Singaporean behind.
[Mr Speaker in the Chair]
Since the last President’s address in 2023, MOM has worked hard to create good outcomes for workers and businesses alike, in close collaboration with our tripartite partners.
We launched Career Health SG to empower workers to chart out meaningful and resilient careers. Workers can also reskill into jobs in growth sectors through Career Conversion Programmes. We supported businesses to transform and remain competitive while providing good jobs for Singaporeans. We strengthened retirement adequacy for Singaporeans born in 1973 and earlier through the Majulah Package, with CPF top-ups to support their retirement and healthcare needs.
We improved protection for vulnerable groups, such as the Jobseeker Support Scheme for those who lost their jobs involuntarily and uplifted the wages of lower-wage workers through the Progressive Wage Model (PWM). We also legislated stronger safeguards for platform workers through the Platform Workers Act. We advanced workplace fairness and inclusivity through the Workplace Fairness Act and Tripartite Guidelines on Flexible Work Arrangement Requests (TG-FWAR).
We will continue to be agile and adapt our policies to a rapidly changing world.
Geopolitical tensions and the fraying of the multilateral trading system are disrupting our traditional trade and supply chains. As a small and open economy, our businesses feel these shocks acutely. Technological changes are accelerating, with significant advancements driven by AI. Our workforce is evolving too.
By 2030, one in four Singaporeans will be 65 or older. This presents challenges, but also opportunities to harness the wisdom and experience of our senior workers.
Our youths are more educated, globally connected and want to chart their own paths. Many desire careers aligned with their passions and values. A National Youth Council survey found that more young Singaporeans wanted to, I quote, “discover, design or invent something new”.
Against this backdrop of change, we must press on together with workers and businesses – to learn continuously, adapt and move forward as one.
MOM will focus on four key thrusts by empowering Singaporeans to navigate the future of work; supporting career longevity; expanding opportunities for workers and businesses; and ensuring inclusive growth.
Let me start with the first thrust on how we are empowering Singaporeans to navigate the future of work.
Whether the challenge is demographic, technological or geopolitical, we will support workers to pivot and seize opportunities that emerge from each wave of disruption. For many Singaporeans, digital disruption, particularly by AI, is top of mind. Many are excited about the opportunities that AI provides because if leveraged well, these advancements can automate routine tasks and allow workers to take on more fulfilling roles. On the flipside, many worry about the impact AI might have on their job security.
On our part, the Government will work together with workers and businesses across all levels – at the national, enterprise and individual level – to strengthen our human capital, so that we can leverage on AI positively. At the national level, under the Economic Strategy Review and our National AI strategy, MOM will support our workforce to develop broad-based AI literacy and competencies. At the enterprise level, MOM’s initiatives like the Enterprise Workforce Transformation Package, which will couple support for business transformation with workforce development, ensuring that technology elevates rather than eliminates workers.
MOM will also work closely with NTUC, the Singapore National Employers Federation and unions to redesign jobs and equip and empower every worker. At the individual level, we will help Singaporeans build more resilient careers and navigate AI disruption. To support our national lifelong learning movement and ensure that skills training leads to good job outcomes, MOM launched Career Health SG, a SkillsFuture initiative, in July this year. Career Health SG uses AI tools to equip Singaporeans with jobs and skills insights, career guidance and employment facilitation, matching them to good jobs where their skills are most relevant and valued. It is about realising the potential of Singapore’s most precious resource – our people. Through digital tools under MyCareersFuture, such as the Careers and Skills Passport and CareersFinder, we help individuals explore more career choices and options, and chart career and skills upgrading plans towards their career aspirations. Those who want to get started on their career health journey can visit the Career Health SG website, a one-stop portal consolidating the resources available to support Singaporeans and employers.
Beyond digital tools, employed individuals who prefer in-person guidance can receive personalised career support from certified coaches to plan ahead under our Polaris programme. Jobseekers can also tap on peer-level support from our Volunteer Career Advisors, who offer sector-specific insights and practical guidance based on real-world industry experience.
We will also strengthen the ecosystem of career and employment services to better match jobseekers to jobs, and better match potential to opportunities, even as our labour market grows increasingly diverse and complex. To achieve this, we need deeper partnership and collaboration with the vibrant network of private sector recruitment and job placement agencies, and online job portals. We have therefore launched an Alliance for Action on Advancing Career and Employment Services (AfA-ACES) to co-create with industry players innovative solutions to redesign jobs, enhance talent management and deepen our human capital.
As Singaporeans gain new skills throughout their careers, they also build strong relationships, grow vast networks and hone their leadership skills – these are soft skills that are not easily replaceable by technology and AI.
Even as we pursue these longer-term strategies, we recognise the anxieties that Singaporeans face over jobs today, especially from fresh graduates who are entering the workforce. Even though the employment rate of graduates in the 2025 cohort as of June has increased by four percentage points compared to the 2024 cohort at the same time last year, there are significantly more fresh graduates who have been actively looking for jobs. This increase in active jobseekers – about 1,700 more as compared to 2024 – may have contributed to a stronger sense of job competition among fresh graduates.
Global factors including economic headwinds from increased trade tensions and geopolitical conflicts, as well as growing concerns over AI taking over entry-level jobs could have further amplified the anxieties of fresh graduates.
We have therefore launched the GRaduate Industry Traineeship (GRIT) programme to boost opportunities for fresh graduates, help them gain industry-relevant experience, and facilitate their transition into full-time employment should they face difficulties in their job search. Minister Tan See Leng has already given a lengthy discourse on this at the Question Time earlier today, so I shall not elaborate further but surprise to say we will continue to support young workers so that they can start well and progress in their careers.
I will now turn to the second thrust on how we are supporting career longevity and strengthening retirement adequacy.
As we live longer and the global economy transforms, our lives will no longer follow a linear path of education, work and retirement. As new industries, jobs and skills emerge, we need to continually upskill and reskill to stay relevant. The healthcare sector is accustomed to this, due to the fast-changing nature – medical technologies. New drugs are coming onstream every so often, new treatment protocols, new trial results are coming out every month and so healthcare workers are used to this. But now other industry sectors are also experiencing a similar increased pace of technological change, maybe not as fast as healthcare but, certainly faster than what they were used to before so they must also embrace lifelong learning and continual education just like our healthcare workers. The DNA and the mindset of our workers must change.
For seniors, we will make available good opportunities and support so them can continue working with dignity and security.
We will also explore how to facilitate flexible arrangements at work or short career breaks for those who wish for a better balance between their career aspirations and caregiving needs. These needs are expected to increase as our population ages. Many seniors have also told me that they do not see work and retirement as all-or-nothing. They want to rightfully reap the rewards of their many years of hard work, by taking a break, travelling the world, having more time with their grandchildren. At the same time, they wish to stay engaged in the workforce and in society, in ways that bring them fulfilment and purpose.
The Government will support Singaporeans in their multi-stage careers and work-life aspirations. This includes workers with caregiving responsibilities, who will benefit from the Tripartite Guidelines on Flexible Work Arrangement Request, which outline how employers should handle FWA requests based on business needs.
MOM and our tripartite partners also convened the Tripartite Workgroup on Senior Employment, which will reimagine ways to support career longevity. As Co-Chair of this Tripartite Workgroup, I have heard from workers, unions and employers on their aspirations and challenges regarding senior employment.
Those who are dropping out of work in the early 50s – years before their retirement age – shared with me that they are unable to balance their caregiving needs or need more support in upskilling to remain relevant and competitive in the workspace.
Employers have also shared their challenges in supporting multi-generational workplaces, which can effectively tap on the experience and expertise of senior workers, whilst combining the energies and skills of the younger generation.
The Tripartite Workgroup is hard at work studying the gaps and challenges faced by different workers and industries and will update on our recommendations by early next year.
The TWG-SE has also launched an AfA to partner employers in piloting innovative solutions that help to empower Multi-stage Careers for Mature Workers. One of our prospective partners is Unilever, who plans to pilot their “Value In Value Up” programme under the AfA. The pilot aims to redesign jobs and train mature workers to integrate AI capabilities into their functional expertise and may subsequently engage these workers in fractional or project-based roles in Unilever. These roles include areas such as streamlining of operational processes and AI research. The pilot meets Unilever’s need for agile talent while providing mature workers with meaningful fractional work opportunities.
Another issue close to the hearts of our seniors and future seniors is whether they have enough for retirement. Our CPF system is designed to help Singaporeans plan and save for this stage of life. It is built on a strong social compact that reflects our values – the belief in shared responsibility. This means individuals taking charge of their own retirement savings, while family, the community and the Government will also come in to provide help for those in more vulnerable settings.
MOM will continue to review and strengthen the CPF system, such that those who work and contribute consistently to their CPF can be assured of meeting their basic retirement needs in their golden years. This includes raising the Basic Retirement Sum for cohorts beyond 2027, to set aside more savings in CPF LIFE, which will provide lifelong retirement income and peace of mind that comes with this guaranteed income stream.
For those who are unable to save enough despite their best efforts, society as a whole must collectively come in to support them together. We have put in place several measures to strengthen their retirement adequacy. First, the Workfare Income Supplement Scheme supplements the income and CPF savings of lower-wage workers while they work. Second, the Matched Retirement Savings Scheme provides a matching grant for top-ups, including from loved ones or others in the community. Third, the Silver Support Scheme provides targeted help for seniors who have earned low incomes during their working years and now have less in retirement.
With rising costs of living and higher aspirations in retirement lifestyles, we also want to empower Singaporeans to start earlier and plan ahead for their retirement across key milestones in life. In this vein, I encourage everyone to leverage on CPF's new one-stop financial guidance platform called Plan Life Ahead, Now! (PLAN), which will support members to make more informed and prudent financial decisions across different life stages. Mr Speaker, Sir, I will now say a few words in Mandarin.
(In Mandarin): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] As Singaporeans' average lifespan extends, more senior workers hope to achieve a better balance between career goals and caring for their families.
Employees, unions and employers have shared with me their expectations and challenges regarding senior employment. The Tripartite Workgroup on Senior Employment will explore how to better support employees in extending their careers and will release its recommendations next year.
Through the AfA on Empowering Multi-Stage Careers for Mature Workers, we will collaborate with employers to pilot innovative solutions. The Government, employers and unions will work together to help senior workers have fulfilling careers, be it in their existing jobs, adopting flexible work arrangements, taking short career breaks or finding re-employment through learning new skills.
Another issue of concern for seniors and those approaching retirement is whether their retirement savings are sufficient to cope with the current rising costs of living. In this regard, we will continue to strengthen the CPF system so that Singaporeans who continue contributing to CPF can be assured of meeting their basic retirement needs in their golden years.
(in English): Sir, now let me go onto the third thrust on expanding economic opportunities for all, empowering the broad middle of workers to progress in their careers.
For mid-career workers, we are expanding opportunities and pathways towards better jobs. Our Career Conversion Programmes (CCPs) have seen success, with more than 37,000 individuals reskilling into jobs in growth sectors over the last five years. About nine in 10 CCP participants have remained employed 24 months after the programme, while six in 10 earned more than their last drawn salaries.
Take Mr Wong Kok Sin, who was reskilled through the CCP for Electronics, after being in the industry for more than 20 years. As the Director for Internal Manufacturing Production at ams-OSRAM, Mr Wong is responsible for strategic planning and process optimisation, as well as mentoring teams and driving operational excellence. The AI tools he picked up through the CCP allowed him to explore how smart manufacturing and prompt engineering can streamline operations and enhance decision making, leading to increased productivity.
For those who aspire to climb the corporate ladder, we are expanding opportunities for them to gain critical experience to do so. In keeping with our position as a global business hub, many businesses have told us that overseas exposure is key for Singaporeans to move on into senior roles. To that end, we will support businesses to send employees with little or no overseas market experience abroad, to gain exposure through the Overseas Markets Immersion Programme (OMIP).
OMIP will complement existing programmes that support overseas posting and leadership development, which we are doubling in capacity. Since the programme's launch in November 2024, 70 locals have been emplaced in overseas roles. This includes three biotechnologists from Lonza Biologics, who were sent to Switzerland. In Switzerland, they worked alongside subject matter experts and gained expertise in plant set-up, troubleshooting and process optimisation – knowledge that strengthened Lonza's operations here in Singapore. This stint has provided them with the international exposure, making them better-positioned for leadership roles in future.
MOM will focus on four enablers to grow the economy, help business to thrive and create good jobs in our next bound of growth. First, transforming our workforce to meet business needs. With rapid technological advancement and geopolitical tensions, many businesses are looking to reorganise their operations, reconfigure their supply chains and redesign jobs. MOM has, thus, set aside over $400 million for the Enterprise Workforce Transformation Package to spur workforce transformation, through the SkillsFuture Workforce Development Grant and the redesigned SkillsFuture Enterprise Credit. This will enable workers to upgrade their skillsets and businesses to adapt to the evolving economic landscape.
Second, expanding access to talent from around the world that complements our workforce. Singapore must continue working with and learning from the best, from around the world. Access to global talent also attracts foreign investments and MNCs to grow the economic pie and continue creating good jobs for Singaporeans.
Third, uplifting the human resources (HR) profession. HR plays a critical role in how businesses attract, manage and develop talent. The Tripartite Workgroup on Human Capital Capability Development will strengthen HR practices and level-up human capital capabilities across the economy to maximise workforce potential and support business growth.
Fourth, reducing compliance burden. This includes using the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Pro-Enterprise Rules Review to streamline regulations, especially for SMEs, to help businesses remain competitive in a pro-enterprise environment.
Our fourth thrust is to ensure that our growth is inclusive, so that all Singaporeans benefit from the opportunities created. MOM will work with tripartite partners to raise the bar for safe, fair and inclusive workplaces that provide opportunities for everyone to thrive.
MOM has been working closely with all stakeholders, including sector agencies, employers, unions and workers to raise WSH standards, tackle emerging risks and reinforce a culture of safety. We will continue to strengthen these efforts to keep fatal injury rates below 1.0 per 100,000 workers and meet our WSH 2028 target.
We will continue to enhance employment standards and protections for our workers. Earlier this year, Parliament passed the Workplace Fairness Act, strengthening protection against discrimination at the workplace. This is a major step forward in assuring workers that they will be treated fairly and based on merit.
We are also undertaking a review of the Employment Act to account for evolving forms of work and the changing labour force profile, including a greater proportion of PMEs. Through the review, we will ensure that protections remain relevant for different groups of workers while streamlining compliance for businesses.
As the future of work continues to unfold, we must address needs of different groups of workers. For example, we now recognise platform workers as a separate category of workers with their own set of protections via the Platform Workers Act. The Platform Workers Act, effective January this year, provides work injury compensation, CPF contributions and a representation framework where platform workers and operators can be represented by Platform Work Associations.
In response to concerns raised by platform workers and Platform Work Associations, the Platform Workers Trilateral Group was formed with representatives from MOM, MOT, NTUC and platform operators to address illegal activities in the platform sector and the lack of transparency in payment and incentive schemes. The 10 recommendations were announced earlier this month.
With increasingly diverse forms of work and work arrangements, we will continue studying how to better support platform workers, self-employed persons and freelancers in terms of workplace protections, reskilling and career pathways.
In this world of accelerating change, we will ensure that opportunities remain open to all. For those who stumble despite their best efforts, we will help them bounce back with confidence. We have introduced the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support scheme to help displaced workers who are actively searching for jobs to re-enter employment, providing up to $6,000 in temporary support over six months for eligible individuals.
Lower-wage workers will remain a key focus, with MOM pressing on with efforts to uplift and support lower-wage workers amidst our economic transformation. This includes the Workfare Income Supplement Scheme, which was recently enhanced; and the new Workfare Skills Support (Level-Up) scheme will provide added support for lower-wage workers to upskill and reskill.
The PWM remains central to raising wages and in creating career pathways that are closely tied to training and skills development. Together with tripartite partners, MOM is reviewing the next set of wage schedules for all PWMs, covering seven sectors and two occupations. The Government recently accepted the Tripartite Cluster for Retail's recommendation of a three-year schedule of sustained wage increase from 1 September 2025, along with enhancements to job ladders and training requirements.
These changes will benefit workers, like Natasha and Joey, who work at Far East Flora. For Natasha, who started as a part-time cashier, the structured increases provide a pathway to financial security, presenting her with an opportunity to progress into management roles. As for Joey, who has spent over a decade in the retail industry, formal supervisor training has improved his job knowledge, giving him confidence that he can continue to advance further.
In addition to PWM, the Government has introduced and continually reviews the Local Qualifying Salary, which ensures that local employees are employed meaningfully, rather than on token salaries for firms to gain access to foreign workers. We will also work to foster multiple pathways to success, including for Singaporeans who are more inclined towards "hands-on" and "heart" jobs. We will work with tripartite partners, trade associations and our IHLs to develop more structured pathways for progression in the skilled trades, to better value the essential work of skilled tradespeople.
Mr Speaker, Sir, the challenges ahead are real. But Singapore has never shied away from tough challenges. Time and again, we have adapted, persevered and emerged stronger. Our success rests not just on policies or programmes, but on the trust and unity that we share.
The President and Prime Minister spoke about building a "we first" society, where we look out for each other and put the collective good above narrow interests. In manpower, this spirit comes to life through tripartism. We should not take this for granted. In many countries, workers and employers stand on opposite sides of the table, locked in conflict. In Singapore, we sit on the same side, seeking win-win outcomes for Singapore. This has allowed us to uplift wages, strengthen worker protections and grow businesses, all at once, striking a very good balance between all the partners.
In an uncertain world, our unity will be our greatest asset. Tripartism is the living expression of our "we first" mindset and must remain at the heart of our workforce transformation. As long as we preserve this trust, we can continue creating good jobs and fulfilling careers for Singaporeans. Together, let us move forward as one people, one nation and one Singapore, leaving no Singaporean behind. Sir, I support the Motion. [Applause.]
Dr Wan Rizal.
Mr Speaker, I rise in support of the Motion. The President called on us to build a "we first" society, where growth uplifts everyone, and trust remains the foundation of our nation. This message resonates deeply in the Labour Movement.
For me, as a representative of workers and their families, this means ensuring that every worker matters, no family is left unsupported and no individual is left to struggle alone. Today, I will speak on three areas: supporting our lower-wage workers, strengthening employability in the Malay/Muslim community and finally, addressing an issue very close to my heart – mental health.
Mr Speaker, I begin with our lower-wage workers, the backbone of our society. They are the quiet hands and steady feet that keep Singapore moving each day. Over the past decade, we have made substantial progress. The wage gap between lower-wage workers and the median worker has narrowed. Real incomes of workers at the 20th percentile rose cumulatively by 30% from 2013 to 2023, faster than the median worker's 22%. Today, more than 155,000 lower-wage workers across nine sectors and occupations are covered by the PWM.
This is progress we can take pride in. It shows that when we walk together, Government, employers and unions, we can shift the escalator of social mobility upwards. But we must not stop here. Allow me to make three calls.
First, enhance funding for PWM and the Progressive Wage Credit Scheme (PWCS). The PWCS has been instrumental in helping employers support wage increases. Over $2.7 billion in PWCS was disbursed in 2022 and 2023, benefiting more than 520,000 employees. I urge the Government to extend these enhancements until Singapore reaches the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) benchmark of the 20th percentile being two-thirds of median income.
I also call for the wage ceiling to be raised beyond $3,000, so that as wages rise, PWM workers in sectors like security, waste management and lift and escalator maintenance remain covered.
Second, let us address how wage increases can lead to a loss of social assistance. Sir, on the ground, we have heard from workers who hesitate to accept wage increases. They fear they will lose eligibility for Workfare or ComCare. And I find this very troubling. Workers should never be penalised for progress. I call for a comprehensive review of our wage support and social assistance schemes, so that no one is forced to choose between a higher salary and essential aid.
Third, future-proof upskilling of our lower-wage workers, including training in Artificial Intelligence. I call for AI training to be extended to PWM workers, such as, administrators who can leverage AI to optimise workflows. NTUC LearningHub already offers an AI learning ecosystem, covering skills across different proficiency levels. So, let us make this accessible to all workers, including our lower-wage workers, so that they, too, can benefit from the AI economy.
Mr Speaker, let me share the story of Ms Nur Shafiqah Irwandy, a 24-year-old lift supervisor at Fujitec. Starting from ITE, she pursued a Work-Study Diploma while working, overcoming challenges in a male-dominated industry. Today, she leads a team maintaining 600 lifts across Sengkang and Punggol.
The Progressive Wage Model has transformed her career. Before PWM, lift maintenance was low-paying, but today, she earns a stable income that supports her family and future. Mr Speaker, her story shows why PWM matters, not just for wages, but for dignity, skills and opportunity.
Sir, when the lowest-wage worker progresses, Singapore progresses. That is how we build an inclusive growth. Mr Speaker, in Malay, please.
(In Malay): [Please refer to Vernacular Speech.] Sir, with AI transforming industries and jobs, we cannot allow Malay/Muslim workers to be left behind and must support them to succeed. Through Focus Area 4 (FA4) under M3, we pay special attention towards enhancing the marketability of Malay/Muslim workers. With close collaboration between NTUC and MENDAKI, we will build a robust support ecosystem to help workers adapt to the increasingly changing job market.
We will continue to strengthen support, especially for mature PMEs, as well as our youth who will inherit the challenges and opportunities of the future economy. For mature PMEs, support will focus on empowering them with new skills, including digital and leadership skills, so that they can remain relevant and trusted by industry. We also need to further expand the network of career advisors to help them adapt to market changes and pave the way towards a meaningful second career.
For our youth, we need to provide more diverse pathways. This includes apprenticeship programmes, work-study schemes as well as development opportunities in new fields, such as green technology, artificial intelligence and the care economy.
Next month, we will organise the Youth Skills and Career Fair @ SCAPE on 6 and 7 October. This event will be a great opportunity for youth to explore career pathways, receive expert advice and build the skills needed to succeed in an increasingly challenging job market. Additionally, e2i together with the Happiness Initiative, will launch a special workshop for youth and young professionals aged 18 to 35 years. The focus of this workshop is to build mental resilience, by equipping participants with skills to manage stress, and building confidence when seeking employment or starting a new career.
When every community can progress together, Singapore as a whole will become stronger and more resilient.
(In English): Mr Speaker, I now turn to an issue that I have been championing throughout my stint in Parliament. An issue that cuts across workers, families and communities.
The President reminded us that our responsibility is to give Singaporeans assurance at every stage of life. Mental health is that assurance. The statistics tell us sobering story. Nearly 47% of workers in Singapore report feeling exhausted after work. The prevalence of poor mental health remains at 15% in 2023, higher than the pre-pandemic levels. The economic cost of mental health conditions is estimated at $15.7 billion annually or 2.9% of the GDP.
Behind each statistic is a worker, a family and community. Their struggles with stress and burnout remind us that productivity cannot come at the expense of health. As the co-chairman of the PAP mental health group, I have continually engaged stakeholders from the healthcare professionals, community partners, to employers and workers. And together, with my colleagues, we tabled a Motion of mental health in the last term to place this firmly on the national agenda.
But that Motion was not the end. It was the beginning. In this new term, we intend to move forward further, ensuring that mental health remains a sustained national priority.
Sir, international studies shows that young people are especially vulnerable during school-to-work transitions. Locally, nearly half of workers already report exhaustion at the start of their careers. In my Malay speech earlier, I had spoken about employability initiatives for our youths and young professionals under the FA4 initiative. Employability must go hand in hand with resilience. Skills will get our youths a job. Resilience will help them to keep it, grow in it and strive in the long run.
Sir, our youths today also live in a digital first world and we must strengthen their healthy digital habits and depend our understanding of the impact of social media on mental well-being. We must build emotional resilience in all schools and IHLs alongside academics skills.
Our youths should not only survive the pressures of school and work, but thrive with confidence and work. I continue to call for mental health and well-being literacy to be embedded within the curriculum, so that everyone is equipped with the skill. And as we progress as a nation, everyone can play their part better.
Sir, many young parents juggle work, childcare and caring for ageing parents. NTUC hears their concerns about long hours and blurred work-life boundaries. To protect their well-being, we must strengthen safeguards for rest, expand flexible work arrangements as a norm and enhance community support for caregivers. But beyond that, we must call for stronger workplace mental well-being initiatives, so that employers build cultures where mental wellness is part of daily practice, not an afterthought.
For our seniors, dignity is not only about medical care, but also about connection, purpose and being seen. As seniors age, they may face loneliness and other mental health concerns, but it can also be a stage of renewed contribution if the right support is given. We must continue to expand community facilities, so that help is never too far away.
Finally, I turn to our workers who cut across the different ages and I have a few calls to make.
First, stronger rest protections. The "always-on" culture must be challenged. Workers need adequate rest between shifts and more explicit guidance on after-hours communication. Otherwise, exhaustion will erode both well-being and long-term safety.
Second, preventive approaches. Employers should go beyond ad-hoc wellness talks and make mental wellness training a mandatory part of management development. Leaders must be equipped, not only to deliver results, but also to recognise early signs of stress, to intervene with empathy and to create psychologically safe workplaces. At the same time, companies can and should tap into the Company Training Committee grant, not only to invest in new technology and upskill their workforce, but also to redesign jobs and workflows with workers' productivity, well-being and dignity at this centre.
So often the perception is that innovation is seen as a way to squeeze more output from the same worker. But that cannot be our approach. Instead, we must harness innovation to ease the pressures of long hours to streamline repetitive tasks and to allow workers to focus on higher value and more meaningful work. When we do this, productivity gains will be matched by healthier, more motivated teams and by workplaces, where people feel proud to contribute and confident about their future.
Third, inclusive return-to-work practices. Returning to work after a period of illness, injury, or a mental health challenge is never easy. Many workers tell us they feel anxious, worried that their colleagues may see them as less capable, or that their employers may judge them for needing more time to recover.
That is why the return-to-work journey must not add to their stress. Instead, it should be a bridge of support, where adjustments are made to help them regain confidence at their own pace. Employers can and should tap into the resources from the Tripartite Alliance for Fair and Progressive Employment Practices and the Workplace Safety and Health Council to implement Return-to-Work policies, policies that ensure workplace safety while also fostering understanding and compassion.
When a worker is supported in this way, they are more likely to bounce back stronger, to contribute meaningfully and to inspire others. And when we care for our workers in their most vulnerable moments, we strengthen not just productivity, but the bonds of trust in our workplaces.
Mr Speaker, our nation's strength never come from size or the resources that we have. It comes from trust. Trust between people and the Government, between employers and workers, with the unions at the centre of everything and among, of course, citizens themselves. As we turn the page after SG60, let us reaffirm the trust by standing with our workers, uplifting every community and safeguarding the mental health and well-being of every Singaporean.
Let us show that in Singapore, progress is not for the few, but for all. And this is how we will build not only a stronger economy, but also a stronger society. One where every worker has dignity, every family has assurance and every community has hope. Mr Speaker, I support the Motion.
Mr Shawn Loh.
Mr Speaker, I am the first one speaking among the backbenchers from the class of 2025 from the PAP. Thank you for this opportunity. Before I begin, I declare my interest as Deputy Group Managing Director of Commonwealth Capital Group.
We are a Singaporean global enterprise operating businesses across the food value chain – from cold-chain logistics to food manufacturing and to food services. Collectively, our businesses steward more than 1,000 livelihoods and we provide nourishment to thousands of Singaporeans daily.
Mr Speaker, I support the Motion of thanks to the President.
Let me also thank our residents of Jalan Besar GRC and Whampoa for their support for me and my team mates. Dr Wan Rizal and Ms Denise Phua spoke earlier. I was introduced only in April this year, just one month before the GE. I am grateful for their trust in me. This trust will not be misplaced. I will do my best to do our residents of Jalan Besar GRC and Whampoa proud and give them a voice in Parliament.
I have been a civil servant for more than a decade and I have had the pleasure to be involved in previous speeches by the President at the Parliament’s Opening.
Invariably, the speeches cover the following themes: one, the world is a dark and dangerous place; two, the economy is the solution to many of our problems; three, we need to address the challenges of an ageing population; four, we need to build an inclusive society; and five, we need to keep Singapore united.
These themes were from the 2025 speech. But if you thought these themes were from the 2023, 2020, 2018, 2016, 2014 or 2011 speeches, you would also be right! That is not to say the President’s speech was boring nor is it an indictment of the speechwriters. Rather, it demonstrates that our challenges are enduring.
However, I submit that below the surface of these high-level challenges, there are emerging trends within each theme that require us to rethink and reimagine our policies in this term of Government. I will spend the rest of my speech to share some thoughts about these trends and, importantly, their implications.
First, the international economic order has changed, permanently. Bridges have been replaced by barriers.
Our earlier economic growth strategy was premised on foreign MNC investments riding the wave of globalisation, which enabled firms to headquarter in Singapore, while the bulk of markets and operations would be outside the country. But now, foreign MNCs, even if they want to invest in Singapore, may find themselves torn between other geopolitical considerations.
Manufacturing investments are being onshored in other countries. And because headquarters are increasingly sited nearer to manufacturing or nearer to markets, Singapore is actually at a disadvantage.
It is, therefore, critical to have a renewed policy focus on growing our own Singaporean MNCs that are more deeply rooted in Singapore. Yes, we can press on with anchoring investments from foreign MNCs. My former colleagues at the Economic Development Board (EDB) do a valiant job. I, myself, spent a couple of years at the EDB looking at how to grow our Singaporean MNCs. And now, I lead a local company that aspires to be an MNC one day.
Based on these experiences, I am convinced that our policies can do more to support our local firms to scale beyond the SME-level. To grow above the current SME threshold of $100 million in annual revenues to become MNCs closer to $1 billion in annual revenues or more. Perhaps the Government should consider supporting a new class of local enterprises that are larger than SMEs, but smaller than your $1 billion-listed companies. These are some issues that I hope to explore as part of my role on the GPC for Trade and Industry.
Second, the technological cycle has shortened significantly. AI, which many Members have spoken about, represents a stepped increase in technological advancement. Some have likened this to the discovery of the steam engine that catalysed the industrial revolution and disrupted many jobs. But even before AI, the pace of job creation and destruction felt like it was already accelerating. Make no mistake, this means that skills will become obsolete faster.
Today, we can no longer rely on what we learnt in full-time education to carry us on to retirement. Perhaps there may even come a point in time where what we learn in the first year of tertiary education will become irrelevant by the time we graduate. We see this manifest in greater anxieties amongst our new graduates and our older PMETs. I have spoken to many in Jalan Besar and Whampoa. And I feel for them.
What does this imply for the direction of Government policy?
Many Members have actually spoken up about this. Mr Andre Low gave the suggestion of the redundancy insurance scheme. I appreciate him for raising that idea. I agree with the intent that it is about reducing the anxieties that many of our workers feel. However, I respectfully disagree in the implementation of the idea for two reasons.
The first is that we have just implemented a Jobseekers Support Scheme. The Senior Minister of State for Manpower has spoken about this earlier. It is still early days, but our residents are already benefiting. The scheme provides the support required for our workers to get the assurance they need if they fall into redundancy, for a targeted group.
The second reason is because I am not sure whether the numbers add up. Let me explain. I looked at the suggestion in quite some detail.
The Member suggested that if you contribute 0.1% of your monthly wage, you would have enough in the insurance pool to cover the redundancy payouts. From the back of an envelope calculation, 0.1%, which he said was about $5; grossed up to a year, which is $60; grossed up from the whole population of 2.2 to 2.5 million Singaporean workers, that gets us about $150 million of collection for the insurance pool.
However, I am not sure whether that is enough because in the Jobs Support Scheme, the MOM budget was already $200 million and this was for a targeted group of unemployed individuals. So, a national unemployment or national redundancy insurance scheme should cost more, and not less.
However, I think the greater point is that there are other ways in which we can resolve this issue.
I believe we should pivot our policies towards a greater emphasis on employer-led training and away from broad-based SkillsFuture initiatives. Do more to help employers give workers jobs and then train them on the job. We call these place-and-train programmes.
The logic is simple. The best place to pick up relevant skills is in the workplace, working for best-in-class companies, hopefully local companies, that are closest to the market and closest to the frontier of innovation.
Businesses can be incentivised to hire Singaporeans and then train and re-train them in those jobs. The Government can help through expanding time-limited wage subsidies for new hires. And Singaporeans will benefit because they have the assurance of a job first, before they commit to training. The GRIT programme is a step in that direction.
If I had it my way, I would call it the Graduate Employment Assistance through Training programme, or the GREAT programme. I am glad to be able to look into this further in my role on the GPC for Manpower.
Third, extreme longevity will raise new questions for town planning and policymaking. For the first time in our history, there are now two generations in retirement at the same time. In Whampoa, I encountered someone above 90 years old at almost every block visit. And quite regularly, someone above the age of 95. I think it is the same for many Members of this House. I see the future complexion of Singapore in Jalan Besar and Whampoa.
Our town planning assumptions will have to change.
Looking ahead, we will need to design our towns for the extreme user – the 90-year-old, not just the 70-year-old. A 10-minute walk means very different things for these two individuals.
At Whampoa, our ramps on our overhead bridges are increasingly useless. My elderly residents tell me that it is too tiring to walk up the ramps. And if we do not plan ahead to build lifts and other infrastructure early enough, we will end up isolating many of our oldest seniors and this will be a growing problem with senior frailty. It also means that the provision of senior care and other social support services may need to be more distributed in the neighbourhood, even if it means a less efficient model.
Beyond planning, our policies will also have to be updated. We cannot make policies assuming that all those above 65 are a single monolithic block with the same needs.
The Government has acknowledged this in its packages for the Pioneer Generation and the Merdeka Generation and I believe there will be a need for another package in this term, for a subset of these seniors. Mainly because, after a certain age, perhaps 85, they would all have lived beyond what they expected to live when they first retired. None of them would be automatically included in CPF LIFE. Not all would have Silver Support. But almost all of them would be anxious about the cost of living and they would not be able to benefit directly from the higher wages that a strong economy may bring. Can we, therefore, contemplate a more broad-based level of assurance, perhaps an expanded Silver Support scheme, for the oldest 5% of our population?
Fourth, the work to build a more inclusive society is far from complete. The new challenge of this generation is to address wealth inequality. It is no longer just about income inequality or the inequalities of starting points in life. Earlier terms of Government focused on equalising opportunities for our young and improving wages of our lower-wage workers. This is no doubt important and I strongly support it. But an important assumption here was that incomes and education would continue to be the best way to close the gaps in life outcomes. What if this assumption turns out to be only partially true?
We are already seeing early signs that wealth inequality is becoming worse. And if we do not address this fast enough, it will threaten to divide society. We would be broken into a million pieces, and we cannot go back.
At my weekly meet-the-people sessions, some residents struggle with affording a basic HDB rental flat. I regularly appeal to lower the rent of these rental flats. At the same time, my constituency set the record for the most expensive Design, Build and Sell Scheme flat transaction, at more than $1.5 million. That is more than 100 years of rent for the HDB rental flat, just think about that. And I do not even have landed properties in my area, where many have complained about higher property taxes.
With smaller family sizes, wealth will get passed down to fewer children and could become increasingly concentrated. I worry when I hear people say that the only way to be rich in Singapore is to be born rich. If the greatest predictor of wealth is who your parents are, then I think we have a big problem.
If we are serious about addressing the issue, then perhaps our fiscal system should be used as a means to reduce wealth inequality. How can we ensure that the returns to labour and effort, exceed the returns to other assets, such as real estate investments? How can our asset tax system, including property tax, be even more progressive? And how can we build a more effective form of wealth redistribution?
On that note, we actually have some interesting learning points with our CDC vouchers, which are universal and have provided some basic level of assurance. I was privileged to have had the chance to work on the CDC voucher scheme at the Ministry of Finance (MOF) as a civil servant and I look forward to interrogating these big questions in my role on the GPC for Finance.
Let me now conclude on the last theme – keeping Singapore united. Since the GE, I have seen an upswell of interest to volunteer in my community of Whampoa and Jalan Besar, especially among our youths.
I cherish this dearly. It makes me very optimistic about our future because it shows that Singaporeans, especially the next generation, cares not just about themselves, but about others in the community. These are the first fruits of a "we first" society. And over time, I hope we will even move towards becoming a "you first" society, a society where Singaporeans are more others-centred and put others first, not only because they identify as belonging to the same community or the same "we", but simply because putting others first is the right thing to do as human beings.
I have witnessed firsthand how strong community bonds can overcome local challenges – neighbours helping other neighbours in times of need, fighting fires together, carrying less mobile seniors down the staircase to evacuate a flat. And I hope that as the Government makes policies at the national level, we would also do more to encourage the building of these local community bonds at the local level.
One thing I have learnt as a new MP, is that no community can be fully served by our national policies or our Government agencies. There will still be gaps in the last mile of policy delivery. So, we will always need a strong community to make sure that the gaps are filled and that the last, the lost, the least, and the lonely are taken care of. This is not something that I came up with myself. This is something that my wife who coincidentally celebrates her birthday today, always reminds me about. And when our communities are strong and united, our country will likewise be strong and united.
With that, Mr Speaker, I support the Motion and wish the Government and all civil servants the very best in delivering on the policy agenda. [Applause.]
Mr Gho Sze Kee.
Mr Speaker, it is a privilege to deliver my maiden speech in this House to register my support for the President's speech. I am a brand-new Member of the House. Thus, I seek your guidance and the indulgence of other Members of the House as I begin my parliamentary journey.
Sir, Singapore is still a young nation, as nations go, but we have come far in our national journey. Today, we are a first world nation with an advanced economy. There are many measures and metrics that we can feel proud of. But most importantly, for our people, around two-thirds of our workforce are PMETs. Similarly, around two-thirds of our households are middle class by OECD's definition.
These numbers put us in the leaders' pack globally. They are a reflection of decades of good governance, careful planning, and investment in the future. But these are not numbers just to feel good. More importantly, they are indicators that we have built a just and inclusive society, where opportunities and prosperity are not limited and concentrated in a few, but broadly shared. It is a validation of our social compact and the promises of our founding fathers made good.
Yet, we must never forget the fundamental and unchanging hard truths of our nation. We are small, with no natural resources. We are highly connected, and therefore highly exposed, to the rest of the world. Changes to the winds and currents of the outside world will affect us deeply. We must always remain clear eyed and unflinching in the face of challenges.
As the President has noted, we are sailing into choppy waters. Shifting global economic currents, a changing new world order, and AI-driven disruptions in the workplace make for some powerful headwinds. Each alone has the potential to reshape our society in profound and lasting ways. Our national resilience will be tested. Our social compact may be strained. It is in this context that I would like to speak on some of the challenges ahead and share thoughts on how we can approach them.
The most immediate challenge before us today is, of course, jobs, jobs and jobs. There are many factors churning our job market. But of all these, I believe the AI disruption will have the most pervasive and consequential impact. It is also an accelerant and amplifies the effects of all other challenges that we face.
There are three aspects of the AI disruption that we should take note of.
First, the speed of change. The rate of technological disruption today is unprecedented. Previous waves of tech disruptions, from personal computing to the Internet, unfolded over decades. Societies had the relative luxury of time to absorb and adapt. AI has up ended that timeline completely. To put things in perspective, ChatGPT reached 100 million users in just two months. Entire sectors, and entire industries, could be reshaped in a flash.
Second, the breadth and depth of change. The AI disruption will touch every sector of our economy. It will strike further up the value chain, at knowledge intensive and cognitive tasks, tasks which are the very heart of PMET roles. It is also impacting tasks once thought to be uniquely human, such as creative and artistic endeavours. What is not displaced, will be reshaped and redesigned.
Consider the tech sector, which gave us the very tools of this disruption. Today, one can create, debug and deploy a website or an app without writing a single line of code. The work of junior developers, routine programmers and similar roles is rapidly becoming obsolete.
Third, the inequality of change. AI does not affect everyone equally. It will create winners and losers. Those who can harness and adapt to the disruption will surge ahead. Others will struggle to adapt. Adoption will be uneven, outcomes will diverge. We will see high skill, high pay jobs created, even as many entry- and mid-level PMET roles are hollowed out or displaced. Those who climb up the value chain will advance rapidly, while others risk being pushed into lower value work. This will not just be a disruption in the workplace. It is a potential widening of social disparities.
So, what does this mean for us?
As I noted in the beginning, about two-thirds of our workforce are PMETs, which is actually one of the highest proportions in the world. Our advanced economy is also knowledge and services heavy, exactly the sectors where AI disruption will move fastest and hit the hardest. For our PMETs, this presents real pressure.
Entry and mid-level white collar roles are the most vulnerable. Without timely upskilling and adaptation, many may find themselves displaced.
The knock-on effects will be wide ranging. Entry and mid-level job opportunities may shrink in the near future. New graduates may face tough prospects, a trend we are already beginning to see. Mid-career PMETs will encounter greater uncertainty. Conventional assumptions about career progressions and success may no longer be taken for granted. Many jobs will be reshaped; hard earned skillsets may be rendered obsolete in short order.
The narrowing of opportunities also risks trapping more on the lower rungs of the socio-economic ladder. Income and social inequality may widen.
All of this presents a comprehensive challenge for our Government, for it will impact not only the economy, but also the very fabric of our society. And time is short. The pace of change and breadth of disruption means there is far less time for the Government and our citizens, to react.
It is also not only a distant problem. We are already seeing it unfold. Recent news of hiring freezes and layoffs among big tech companies in the US and other advanced economies, highlight the tangible, near-term impact of the AI disruption. We will not be immune.
The first waves are already hitting our shores. Among my Mountbatten constituents, I am seeing fresh graduates struggling to find full-time jobs, and mid-career PMETs trying to pivot after losing theirs. The mid-career PMETs, with much heavier obligations, are having a hard time.
Mr Speaker, I make no apologies for the frankness of my remarks so far. But I would be remiss if I do not highlight that this challenge, while daunting, carries with it enormous promise. The Chinese term for "crisis" – "危机" – combines the characters for danger and opportunity. The AI wave will be both. It will be disruptive, and perhaps painful in the short term, but it also holds immense potential for Singapore to advance, to innovate, and to capture new growths.
While some jobs may become obsolete and displaced, entire new industries will emerge. New professions, new jobs will be created. Work that we cannot yet imagine will become part of the economy of tomorrow.
Singapore is uniquely positioned to ride this wave. We have a highly educated, tech-savvy workforce. We have the supporting advanced infrastructure. And also, our high proportion of PMETs, in particular, can be our strategic advantage. With the right choices, together, we can transform this disruption into an era of renewed opportunity and prosperity.
Conventional wisdom in economics holds that growth slows down in advanced, mature economies like ours. AI may just be one of the key enablers that allows us to break that mould. This could be the greatest opportunity of our generation.
The choices before us are clear and stark. In truth, it is not even a choice. The AI disruption is here. It is unstoppable. We can either learn to ride it and thrive or be left behind. This is a challenge for our society and for every Singaporean.
I am glad to note the Government has already moved decisively to position Singapore ahead. The GRIT programme will begin soon. Our national AI strategy, launched in 2019, well before ChatGPT entered our daily lives, sets out a clear and comprehensive roadmap to prepare our workforce, our infrastructure, and our economy for the transformations ahead. I actually encourage everyone to read the latest 2.0 version.
The work of the Economic Strategy Review Committees will be critical in shaping the policies and initiatives that ensure Singapore is ready to confront the challenges and embrace the opportunities ahead. I look forward to their recommendations.
Next, some thoughts on the Government’s response. This is a systemic challenge. It is not enough to look only at jobs and the economy. To ride this wave successfully, we must pay attention to the social impacts. In particular, we must guard against the inequality of outcomes. These stresses will be felt across society, but not equally.
The most vulnerable and impacted segment of the AI disruption will, of course, be our PMETs, but they are also the ones who will power our transformation. The PMETs also form the core of our middle class. Together, they constitute the broad middle ground of our society.
A healthy society always has some degree of social mobility. Some people move up, some move down. As long as we ensure that the pathway up is equally accessible to everyone, that is natural. That is to be expected. But we must guard against too many sliding down. We must especially guard against the hollowing out of the middle because when that happens, it erodes the very centre that holds us together and shakes confidence in the whole.
Mr Speaker, our centre must hold. Not only are they the bedrock of our economy and drive our progress but they also embody the success and promise of the Singapore Story. We are successful, only because they are successful. Most crucially, this is because the broad middle is the one that anchors our social compact. A thriving middle class is therefore essential to our social stability and cohesion. If our middle-class shifts or gets squeezed, the ground beneath all of us becomes less steady.
Our middle class has been feeling the squeeze for a long time. The pressures come from many fronts: job insecurity, a tightening labour market, inflation, rising cost of living and household debt. Many also shoulder the burdens of the sandwich class, supporting children on one side and caring for elderly parents on another. My ward, Mountbatten, has the full range of the socio-economic demographics, from rental flats to standalone bungalows. In my conversations with constituents, it is from the middle-class residents that I sense most anxiety and frustration.
Our focus has always been to uplift those on the lowest rungs of the economic ladder and rightly so. They must get the most help, and they do. The wealthy, by large, can weather the storms. They are better insulated from the pressures that buffet the rest of society. But it is our middle-class that often bears the heaviest burdens. In the challenges ahead, it is this group that stands most exposed. And it is this group that has the most to lose.
Mr Speaker, I worry for this particular group of people. They have been carrying the rest of us. Beyond preparing them to seize new opportunities, and guiding and supporting those who may face setbacks, I hope we can do more to lift some weight off their shoulders. I intend to speak up more for our PMETs and middle-class in this house.
Lastly, some words on trust. Sir, the social compact that exists between this Government and our people rests fundamentally on trust. It is trust that underpins the partnership between Government and citizens, and it is this partnership that has allowed us to navigate many past crises together. The same will be true for the challenges that we now face. This trust is not abstract. It is derived from performance legitimacy. Performance legitimacy is formed in people's minds not from numbers and words, but from their lived experience, from what citizens actually see and feel in their daily lives, from how policies and initiatives land on the ground. Trust is not a permanent quality. It is also a finite quality. It cannot be assumed, nor can it be taken for granted. It can be eroded and must be earned and re-earned every single day.
Sir, allow me to illustrate this with a concrete example, the MyCareersFuture Jobs Portal. The primary purpose of this website is laudable, to connect locals, especially PMETs, with job opportunities and to ensure that locals are given first consideration for jobs before foreign hires are brought in. After all, while we welcome foreign talent as a necessity, we should never be disadvantaged in our own country. Yet, the consistent feedback that we see online paints a rather different picture. Many reported very low call-back rates and few positive outcomes. Most applications appeared to go unnoticed. The prevailing perception is that many jobs are merely posted to meet the legal requirement of 14 days, a performative task or exercise for employers before they could go on to apply for an E Pass for a foreign candidate who has already been earmarked.
To me, this is a missed opportunity and a great pity, not because the intentions were unclear, but precisely the opposite. I know the Government's motivations. Our people are truly at the heart of everything that this Government does. I spent years with the grassroots before entering this House and I have witnessed this first-hand. Yet, I know good intentions and good policies alone are never enough. Without effective execution, without thinking through how things will land on the ground, even the best initiatives can fall short of their intent.
We must always be mindful of the fragile and finite nature of this trust. Each time the lived experience of our people falls short of the intentions of policy, each time the execution falters, or lands wrongly on the ground, trust gets eroded. A deep reservoir of trust still exists between the Government and our people. That is the only reason we are still here. We do live in an imperfect world and no government is perfect. But this Government is the Government of the day. The awesome responsibility of governing Singapore and the trust of our fellow citizens rests with this party. We can and we must aim to do ever better.
The seeds of today's Singapore were sown by our founding fathers 60 years ago. 60 years hence, most of us who are here in this House today will not be around. But our children, and our children's children, will be. We now stand on the cusp of a brave new world. What we do here in this House for the rest of our term, is not just for the Singaporeans who are here today, but for generations yet to come. So, let us never forget that.
Mr Andre Low you have a clarification to make?
Yes, I have a clarification to make.
Please go ahead.
My clarification is to the hon Member for Jalan Besar GRC. I thank him for his point on the Jobseeker Support Scheme. We are in agreement on many of the objectives of that scheme. I think the WP differs on implementation. So, through the Jobseeker Support Scheme we think it is a good start, but it actually excludes even the median income earner in Singapore, because the qualifying criteria is $5,000 monthly income and also annual value of your property of $31,000 or less. Our proposal covers everybody. It is a social insurance, it is a risk-pooling approach that will allow for PMETs, which, as in my speech, I had mentioned, almost two-thirds of the Singapore workforce to largely qualify as well.
Secondly, to his point on whether it is fiscally sustainable. Our approach is to have this scheme be funded largely by the premiums paid by employees and employers, and we think this is more fiscally sustainable than the Jobseeker Support Scheme, which is funded by taxpayers. The way this scheme can work is for the premium reserves to be built-up in times of relative stability, like today. So, we would say that this would have to be implemented as soon as possible so that over time these reserves can be built up and then they can be drawn down from in times of disruption.
Mr Shawn Loh.
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I thank the Member for the clarification as well. I actually wanted to clarify my own speech, so I will make two clarifications. One, my own speech; and then, two, in response.
In my own speech when I mentioned the numbers for the Jobseekers Support Scheme, as well as my back-of-the-envelope calculations for the premium collections, I may have misspoken. I said billions instead of millions; it should be millions. So, MOM's estimated budget for this year for the Jobseekers Support Scheme is $200 million and back-of-envelope calculation for the premium collections on an annual basis is on the parameters that the Member outlined. It is about $150 million.
I take the Member's point that he wants to build up premium reserves over time. I do, however, acknowledge that the MOM's budget calculations and estimates are for this year, this year's Jobs Support Scheme, not for the future but this year. That means this year, MOM expects to spend $200 million of taxpayer dollars to support the workers who need help. If that is the case, then we will not be able to build up the reserves over time if the estimate is only $160 million from this year. But the broader point is that we probably want to look at the numbers a bit closer to see what is the appropriate premium collection amount that could reflect that proposal more accurately. So, for example, if it is a targeted scheme which the Member has also acknowledged that cost $200 million this year, then a national insurance scheme should collect more premiums this year even though it is to build up its reserves over time.